August 16

may they rest in peace

The names and the location of the graves

of those killed at

Marikana

on and before 16 August 2012.

This table entails 45 names.

May they rest in peace:

0

Andries Motlapula Ntshenyeho* [N]

15 June 1970 – 16 August 2012

Harry Gwala Section, Vereeniging, GP

0

Anele Mdizeni*

6 February 1983 – 16 August 2012

Desi Location, Elliotdale, EC

0

Babalo Mtshazi*

25 February 1986 – 16 August 2012

Njilo Location, Libode, EC

0

Bongani Mdze*

5 May 1984 – 16 August 2012

Hantshudu Village, Matatiele, EC

0

Bongani Nqongophele*

27 September 1981 – 16 August 2012

Kwaleni Village, Elliotdale, EC

0

Bonginkosi Yona* [N]

6 December 1980 – 16 August 2012

Magashu Village, Lady Frere, EC

0

Cebisile Yawa*

5 July 1988 – 16 August 2012

Mthingwevu Village, Cala, EC

0

Fezile David Saphendu*

24 December 1988 – 16 August 2012

Cawu Location, Mqanduli, EC

0 

Hassan Duncan Fundi [S][N]

born: 11 June 1965

Rustenburg, NW

0

Hendrick Tsietsi Monene [P]

born: 1 April 1965

Ekangala, Tshwane, GP

0

Isaiah Twala [N]

born: 18 January 1961

Not known

0

Jackson Lehupa*

8 May 1964  – 16 August 2012

Bethania, Mount Fletcher, EC

0 

Janeveke Raphael Liau*

14 September 1967 – 16 August 2012

Likologeng, Lesotho

0

John Kutlwano ‘Papi’ Ledingoane*

22 April 1988 – 16 August 2012

Wonderkop, NW

0 

Julius Tokoti Mancotywa*

30 March 1951 – 16 August 2012

Sterkspruit, Herschel, EC

0 

Khanare Elias Monesa*

21 January 1976  – 16 August 2012

Boroeng, Buthe Buthe, Lesotho

0

Mafolisi Mabiya*

20 November 1983  – 16 August 2012

Msengethi Village, Idutywa, EC

0

Makhosandile Mkhonjwa*

20 February 1983 – 16 August 2012

KwaMadiba Village, Bizana, EC

0 

Matlhomola Mabelane [S]

born: 6 November 1964

Damsonville, Brits, NW

0

Mgcineni ‘Mambush’ Noki*

2 February 1982  – 16 August 2012

Thwalikhulu Village, Mqanduli, EC

0 

Michael Ngweyi*

3 March 1973 – 16 August 2012

Mvezo Villa, Mbashe Bridge, Mthatha, EC

0

Modisaotsile Van Wyk Sagalala* [N]

2 July 1952 – 16 August 2012

Nkaneng, Wonderkop, NW

0 

Molefi Osiel Ntsoele* [N]

1 January 1972 – 16 August 2012

Semonkong, Lesotho

0

Mongezeleli Ntenetya* [N]

9 June 1978 – 16 August 2012

Falakuhle Village, Dutywa, EC

0

Mphangeli Thukuza*

16 November 1970  – 16 August 2012

Quba, Ngqeleni, EC

0

Mpumzeni Ngxande*

22 June 1974 – 16 August 2012

Lujizweni, Ngqeleni, EC

0

Mvuyisi Henry Pato* [N]

13 November 1977 – 16 August 2012

Mbobeni Village, Bizana, EC

0 

Mzukisi Sompeta*

3 January 1976 – 16 August 2012

Phumlo Area, Lusikisiki, EC

0

Nkosiyabo Xalabile*

11 March 1982 – 16 August 2012

Desi Location, Elliotdale, EC

0

Nkumbulo Mvume

born: 9 October 1983

Gxulu, Zithathele, Libode, EC

0

Nobhozi Bhabhazela

6 May 1954

Thuku Location, Gqubeni, Mqanduli EC

0

Ntandazo Nokamba* [N]

6 January 1976  – 16 August 2012

Ncolora Village, Libode, EC

0

Patrick Akhona Jijase*

2 March 1986 – 16 August 2012

Dwaku Village, Ntabankulu, EC

0

Pumzile Sokanyile

born: 1 May 1964

Mdumazulu Location, Ngqeleni, EC

0

Sello Lepaaku [P]

born: 23 January 1967

Seabe, Siyabuswa, MP

0

Semi Jokanisi

born: 25 December 1982

Hombe Village, Lusikisiki, EC

0

Stelega Gadlela*

1 January 1962 – 16 August 2012

Manzini, Swaziland

0 

Telang Vitalis Mohai*

6 October 1975 – 16 August 2012

Maseru, Lesotho

0

Thapelo Eric Mabebe

born: 9 June 1975

Not known

0

Thobile Mpumza*

6 July 1986  – 16 August 2012

Gugwini Village, Mount Ayliff, EC

0 

Thabiso Johannes Thelejane*

30 October 1955   – 16 August 2012

Paballong Village, Matatiele, EC

0 

Thabiso Mosebetsane* [N]

7 February 1963 – 16 August 2012

Matsheleng Village, Matatiele, EC

0

Thembinkosi Gwelani*

6 July 1985 – 16 August 2012

Makhwalweni Location, Lusikisiki, EC

0

Thembalakhe Sabelo Mati [N]

born: 10 October 1963

Kundile Village, Ntabankulu, EC

0

Thobisile Zibambele

born: 10 September 1973

KwaBala Village, Goqwana, Lusikisiki, EC

0

*    = died on 16 August 2012

[N] = NUM member

[P] = police

[S] = security guard

EC = Eastern Cape

GP = Gauteng

NW = Northwest

MP = Mpumalanga

Sources: Lohmin Plc; South African Funeral Practitioners Association; The Star,  23 August 2012; New Age, 8 November 2012; Eyewitness News, 16 August 2012; Maril 6 Guardian, 7 September 2012, City Press Face of Marikana Project.

Note: This table entales 45 names. Isaiah Twala appears on some but not all lists. There is a question-mark over the date on which Semi Jokanisi died.

(© Peter Alexander et al, 2012)

www.benkhumalo-seegelken.de

Marikana-Report: Findings and Recommendations

uMthethosisekelo

The Farlam Commission of Inquiry, the “Marikana-Commission”, was appointed on 26 August 2012 to investigate matters of public‚ national and international concern arising out of the incidents at the Lonmin Mine in Marikana‚ Rustenburg in the North-West province‚ during 11 to 16 August 2012 where about 44 people lost their lives and many others were injured and accused.

The Marikana-Commission was tasked with enquiring into and making findings and recommendations concerning the conduct of Lonmin Plc‚ the South African Police Service (SAPS)‚ the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (AMCU)‚ the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM)‚ the Department of Mineral Resources (DMR) and other government departments‚ as well as individuals and groupings.

The main findings and recommendations can be summarized as follows*:

  1. FINDINGS

FINDINGS AGAINST LONMIN

The Commission has found that Lonmin did not use its best endeavours to resolve the disputes that arose between itself and its workers who participated in the unprotected strike on the one hand and between the strikers and those workers who did not participate in the strike.

It also did not respond appropriately to the threat of‚ and the outbreak of violence.

Lonmin also failed to employ sufficient safeguards and measures to ensure the safety of its employees.

Lonmin also insisted that its employees who were not striking should come to work‚ despite the fact that it knew that it was not in a position to protect them from attacks by strikers.

The Commission also criticized Lonmin’s implementation of undertakings with regards to the Social and Labour plans.

FINDINGS AGAINST AMCU

The Commission has found that officials of AMCU did not exercise effective control over AMCU members and supporters in ensuring that their conduct was lawful and did not endanger the lives of others.

They sang provocative songs and made inflammatory remarks‚ which tended to aggravate an already volatile situation.

The Commission also noted that the President of AMCU‚ Mr Joseph Mathunjwa‚ did his best before the shootings to persuade the strikers to lay down their arms and leave the site.

FINDINGS AGAINST NUM

The National Union of Mineworkers did not exercise its best endeavours to resolve the dispute between itself and the strikers.

The NUM wrongly advised Rock-Drill Operators that no negotiations with Lonmin were possible until the end of the 2 year wage-agreement.

The union also did not take the initiative to persuade and enable Lonmin to speak to the workers.

The NUM also failed to exercise effective control over its membership in ensuring that their conduct was lawful and did not endanger the lives of others.

It encouraged and assisted non-striking workers to go to the shafts in circumstances where there was a real danger that they would be killed or injured by armed strikers.

FINDINGS AGAINST INDIVIDUAL STRIKERS

Individual strikers and loose groupings of strikers promoted a situation of conflict and confrontation which gave rise‚ directly or indirectly‚ to the deaths of Lonmin’s security guards and non-striking workers‚ and endangered the lives of the non-striking workers who were not injured.

FINDINGS IN RESPECT OF MR CYRIL RAMAPHOSA

The Counsel for Injured and Arrested Persons alleged that Mr Cyril Ramaphosa is the cause of the Marikana-massacre and that he must be held accountable for the death of 34 miners.

The Commission has found that it cannot be said that Mr Ramaphosa was the cause of the massacre‚ and the accusations against him are groundless.

FINDINGS IN RESPECT OF MINISTER NATHI MTHWETHWA

The Counsel for Injured and Arrested Persons alleged that Mr Mthethwa is the cause of the Marikana-massacre and that he must be held accountable for the death of 34 miners.

The Commission found that the Executive played no role in the decision of the police to implement the tactical option on 16 August 2012‚ if the strikers did not lay down their arms‚ which led to the deaths of the 34 persons.

FINDINGS IN RESPECT OF MINISTER SHABANGU

The Counsel for Injured and Arrested Persons submitted that Minister Shabangu should be prosecuted on charges of corruption and perjury.

No findings were made against Minister Shabangu.

FINDINGS AGAINST THE POLICE

In respect of the incident of 16 August 2012‚ the Commission found that the Police drew up an operational plan which entailed the encirclement of a relatively small group of strikers‚ who would be at the venue early in the morning.

The strategy entailed encircling the strikers with barbed wire‚ and offering them an exit-point through which they would need to move while handing over their weapons.

This phase was only capable of being implemented early in the morning when there was a relatively small number of strikers. Attempts were also made to negotiate with the strikers by the police.

The encirclement-plan was replaced by the tactical option which was defective in a number of respects.

The tactical option was implemented at about 15h40 on that day‚ resulting in the death of strikers in scene 1 and scene 2.

The Commission found that the police-operation should not have taken place on 16 August because of the defects in the plan.

The Commission has found that it would have been impossible to disarm and disperse the strikers without significant bloodshed‚ on the afternoon of the 16th of August.

The police should have waited until the following day‚ when the original encirclement-plan‚ which was substantially risk free‚ could have been implemented.

The Commission also found that the decision that the strikers would be forcibly removed from the site by the police on 16 August if they did not voluntarily lay down their arms‚ was not taken by the tactical commanders on the ground.

The decision was instead taken by Lieutenant-General Mbombo‚ the North-West Police Commissioner‚ and was endorsed by the SAPS leadership at an extraordinary session of the National Management Forum.

The Commission also found that the operation should have been stopped after the shooting at scene 1 and that there was also a complete lack of command and control at scene 2.

The Commission has also questioned the conduct of the police-management during the inquiry.

The Police-leadership did not initially disclose to the Commission‚ the fact that the original plan was not capable of being implemented on the first date and that it had been abandoned.

In addition‚ police-leadership did not inform the Commission that the decision to go ahead with the tactical option‚ if the strikers did not voluntarily lay down their arms and disperse‚ was taken at the National Management Forum meeting on 15 August. Instead‚ they informed the Commission that this decision was taken on the 16th of August‚ and only after the situation had escalated.

The Commission has also raised serious concern that there was a delay of about an hour in getting medical assistance to the strikers who were injured at scene 1‚ and asserts that at least one striker might have survived if he had been treated timeously.

  1. RECOMMENDATIONS

The Commission recommends that Lonmin’s failure to comply with the housing obligations under the Social and Labour Plans should be drawn to the attention of the Department of Mineral Resources‚ which should take steps to enforce the performance of these obligations by Lonmin.

The Commission has recommended that a Panel of Experts be appointed‚ comprising:

  • Senior officers of the Legal Department of the SAPS;
  • Senior Officers with extensive experience in Public Order Policing;
  • Independent experts in Public Order Policing‚ both local and international‚ who have experience in dealing with crowds‚ armed with sharp weapons and firearms‚ as presently prevalent in the South African context.

This panel should‚ amongst others:

  • Revise and amend all prescripts relevant to Public Order Policing;
  • Investigate the world’s best practices and measures available for use‚ without resorting to the use of weapons capable of automatic fire‚ where Public Order Policing methods are inadequate.

In Public Order Policing situations‚ operational decisions must be made by an officer in overall command‚ with recent and relevant training‚ skills and experience in public order policing.

All radio-communications should be recorded and the recordings should be preserved.

Plans for Public Order Policing operations should identify the means of communication which SAPS members will use to communicate with one another.

A protocol should be developed and implemented for communication in large operations including alternative mechanisms‚ where the available radio system is such that it will not provide adequate means of communication.

The SAPS should review the adequacy of the training of the members who use specialized equipment such as water-cannons and video-equipment.

All SAPS helicopters should be equipped with functional video-cameras.

In operations where there is a high likelihood of the use of force‚ the plan should include the provision of adequate and speedy first aid to those who are injured.

The commission also emphasizes that all police officers should be trained in basic first-aid.

There should be a clear protocol which states that SAPS members with first aid training‚ who are at the scene of an incident where first aid is required‚ should administer first-aid.

Specialist firearm-officers should receive additional training in the basic first-aid skill needed to deal with gunshot-wounds.

The Commission adds that the recommendations by the National Planning Commission‚ for the demilitarization and professionalizing of the SAPS‚ should be implemented as a matter of priority.

With regards to accountability‚ where a police operation and its consequences have been controversial‚ requiring further investigation‚ the Minister and the National Commissioner should take care when making public-statements or addressing members of the SAPS. They should not say anything which might have the effect of ‘closing the ranks’ or discourage members who are aware of inappropriate actions‚ from disclosing what they know.

The standing orders should more clearly require a full audit trail and an adequate recording of police operations.

The SAPS and its members should accept that they have a duty of public accountability and truth-telling‚ because they exercise force on behalf of all South Africans‚ the Commission states.

The staffing and resourcing of the Independent Police Investigations Directorate (IPID) should be reviewed to ensure that it is able to carry out its functions effectively.

REFERRAL FOR FURTHER INVESTIGATION IN TERMS OF SECTION 24(1) OF THE NPA ACT

The Commission recommends a full investigation‚ under the direction of the Director of Public Prosecutions in North-West‚ with a view to ascertaining criminal liability on the part of all members of the SAPS who were involved in the incidents at scene 1 and 2.

For the purposes of the investigation‚ a team should be appointed‚ headed by a Senior State Advocate‚ together with independent experts in the reconstruction of crime scenes‚ expert ballistic and forensic pathologist-practitioners and Senior Investigators from IPID‚ and any such further experts as may be necessary.

REFERRAL FOR PROSECUTION

The Commission also recommends that all the killings and assaults that took place between 11 and 15 August 2012‚ should be referred to the Director of Public Prosecutions‚ for further investigation and to determine whether there is a basis for prosecution.

The Commission states that the propensity in South Africa presently for the carrying of sharp instruments and firearms and the associated violence even in service delivery protests‚ requires the strict enforcement of the laws that prohibit such conduct.

It pointed out that the Lonmin workers can be seen very clearly on videos and photographs in possession of dangerous weapons at the public gatherings or in public places.

The Commission has thus called for a further investigation of offences‚ in terms of the Regulation of Gatherings Act and the Possession of Dangerous Weapons Act.

ACTIONS TO BE TAKEN BY THE PRESIDENT

The affected Ministers will study the Commission report and advise the President on the implementation of the recommendations.

The Commission has also recommended that there must be an inquiry into the fitness to hold office‚ of the National Police Commissioner as well as the North West Provincial Police Commissioner in terms of Section 9 of the South African Police Service Act.

President Zuma reports [25.06.2015] that he has written to the National Commissioner to inform her of the recommendations pertaining to her.

The Minister of Police will, as President Zuma reports, inform the former North-West Police Commissioner on matters affecting her.

*Source: RDM News Wire, Pretoria | 25 June, 2015.

>> see: „Blaming the victim“ – Statement on Marikana-Report

Appell des Bündnis “Völkermord verjährt nicht!”

Hererostraße

  Völkermord ist Völkermord! 

Deutschland muss den Genozid an den OvaHerero und Nama endlich offiziell anerkennen

Am 9. Juli 2015 jährt sich zum 100. Mal das Ende der deutschen Kolonialherrschaft im heutigen Namibia. Diese Fremdherrschaft basierte auf Betrug, Gewalt, Ausbeutung und einem kolonialrassistischen Weltbild. Besonders entschlossen setzten sich dagegen die OvaHerero und Nama zur Wehr. Ihr Widerstand wurde von der kaiserlichen „Schutztruppe“ mit dem ersten Völkermord des 20. Jahrhunderts beantwortet. Die beiden berüchtigten Vernichtungsbefehle, die durch Generalleutnant von Trotha 1904 und 1905 im Namen des deutschen Kaisers erlassen wurden, sind in ihrer genozidalen Absicht eindeutig.

Nach der Schlacht am Waterberg wurde ein Großteil der OvaHerero-Bevölkerung in die Omaheke-Steppe getrieben, wo viele entkräftet verdursteten. Die Überlebenden wurden ebenso wie gefangene Nama in Konzentrationslagern Zwangsarbeit, Hunger, Klima und Krankheiten ausgesetzt. Gebeine von Ermordeten wurden zu rassistischen Forschungen nach Deutschland verschickt. Nach Schätzungen von Fachleuten sind bis zu 80 Prozent der OvaHerero und 50 Prozent der Nama den deutschen Kolonialverbrechen zum Opfer gefallen.

Die Überlebenden des Völkermords wurden im verbleibenden Jahrzehnt deutscher Kolonialherrschaft enteignet, in Reservate gesperrt und zur Arbeit für das Kolonialsystem gezwungen. Bis heute fehlen den OvaHerero und Nama durch den damaligen Raub von Land und Vieh die ökonomischen Lebensgrundlagen. Zu den Opfern gehörten auch Damara und San.

Abgeordnete aller Fraktionen des Deutschen Bundestages haben am 24. April 2015 den Genozid der Jungtürken an Armenierinnen und Armeniern als solchen anerkannt und an das historische Verantwortungsbewusstsein der Türkei appelliert. Bundespräsident Gauck betonte, dass die Nachfahren der Opfer „die Anerkennung historischer Tatsachen und damit auch einer historischen Schuld“ zu recht erwarten dürfen und dass es „ohne Wahrheit keine Versöhnung“ geben kann.

Entsprechend muss sich auch Deutschland endlich zur Wahrheit und zu seiner eigenen historischen Verantwortung für den Völkermord im damaligen „Deutsch-Südwestafrika“ bekennen: Es darf für afrikanische Genozidopfer und ihre Nachfahren keine Ungleichbehandlung geben!

Wir fordern den Bundespräsidenten, den Bundestag und die Bundesregierung auf, am 9. Juli 2015, dem 100. Jahrestag des Endes der deutschen Kolonialherrschaft im heutigen Namibia,

  • den Völkermord an den OvaHerero und Nama, der schon immer als solcher hätte gelten müssen, offiziell anzuerkennen;
  • die Nachfahren der Genozidopfer förmlich um Entschuldigung zu bitten;
  • sich für die Identifizierung und Rückgabe aller nach Deutschland verschleppten Gebeine von Menschen aus Namibia und anderen ehemaligen Kolonien einzusetzen;
  • sich zu einem bedingungslosen und offenen Dialog über Versöhnungsmaßnahmen mit den Nachfahren der Genozidopfer und mit der namibischen Regierung bereit zu erklären.

Bündnis “Völkermord verjährt nicht!” | 09.06.2015 | www.genocide-namibia.net | buero@berlin-postkolonial.de

Erstunterzeichnerinnen |  Erstunterzeichner:

Millicent Adjei, Vorsitzende von Arca – Afrikanisches Bildungszentrum Hamburg | Joshua Kwesi Aikins, Politologe, Initiative Schwarze Menschen in Deutschland ISD-Bund, Berlin | Dogan Akhanli, Journalist/Schrifftsteller, Köln/Berlin | Prof. Dr. Erdmute Alber, Universität Bayreuth | Prof. Dr. Elmar Altvater, Politikwissenschaftler, Freie Universität Berlin | Prof. Dr. Iman Attia, Alice-Salomon-Hochschule Berlin | Stefanie-Lahya Aukongo, Autorin, Berlin |Martina Backes, Journalistin, iz3w Freiburg | Martin Baer, Filmemacher, Berlin | Manuela Bauche, Historikerin, Berlin | Prof. Dr. Marianne Bechhaus-Gerst, Afrikanistik, Universität Köln | Dr. Daniel Bendix, Universität Kassel, glokal) | Almuth Berger, Ausländerbeauftragte a.D beim Ministerrat der DDR und vom Land Brandenburg | Jürgen Bevers, Autor und Filmemacher, Köln | Heidi Bischoff-Pflanz, Vorstandsmitglied des Bildungswerkes Berlin der Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung | Prof. Dr. Helmuth Bley, Historiker, Universität Hannover | Hans Blum, Pfarrer und Dekan i. R., Frankfurt/M. | Andreas Bohne, Bündnis Völkermord verjährt nicht!, Berlin | Prof. Dr. Michael Bollig, Ethnologe, Universität Köln | Prof. Dr. Bodo von Borries, Geschichtsdidaktik, Universität Hamburg | Dr. Markus Braun, Pfarrer iR, Mainzer Arbeitskreis Südliches Afrika (MAKSA) | Bündnis gegen Rassismus Berlin | Prof. Dr. Andreas Buro, Friedenspolitischer Sprecher des Komitees für Grundrechte und Demokratie | Prof. Dr. María do Mar Castro Varela, Alice-Salomon-Hochschule, Berlin | Prof. Dr. Sebastian Conrad, Historiker, Freie Universität Berlin | Prof. Alice Creischer, Künstlerin, Weissensee Kunsthochschule Berlin | Tahir Della, Vorstandsmitglied Initiative Schwarze Menschen in Deutschland ISD-Bund | Prof. Dr. Nikita Dhawan, Institut für Politikwissenschaft, Universität Innsbruck | Dr. Karamba Diaby, MdB für die SPD, Halle/Saale | Prof. Dr. Mamadou Diawara, Institut für Ethnologie, Goethe-Universität Frankfurt/M. | Prof. Dr. Olivia Dibelius, Evangelische Hochschule Berlin | Gerhard Dilschneider, Pfarrer i.R., Ulm | Hamado Dipama, Vorstandsvorsitzender AK Panafrikanismus München | Dr. Franziska Dübgen, Nachwuchsgruppenleiterin, Universität Kassel | Prof. Dr. Ulrich Duchrow, Theologe, Heidelberg | Joachim Dührkoop, Pfarrer, GMÖ Mittelrhein-Lahn/EKiR, Vorstandsmitglied bei ELAN Entwicklungspolitischen Landesnetzwerk Rheinland-Pfalz | Prof. Dr. Andreas Eckert, Afrika-Historiker, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin | Prof. Dr. Maureen Maisha Eggers, Hochschule Magdeburg-Stendal, Berlin | Ginga Eichler, Bündnis Völkermord verjährt nicht! | Yonas Endrias, Politikwissenschaftler, Global African Congress | Dr. Dagmar Enkelmann, Vorstandsvorsitzende Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung | Entwicklungspolitisches Netzwerk Hessen, Frankfurt /M. | Dr. Rosa Fava, Erziehungswissenschaftlerin, Berlin | Dr. Larissa Förster, Ethnologin, International Research Institute MORPHOMATA, Universität Köln | Anselm Franke, Kurator, Haus der Kulturen der Welt, Berlin | Prof. Dr. Hajo Funke, Politologe, Freie Universität Berlin | Thomas Gatter, Vorsitzender Bremer Afrika Archiv | Thomas Gebauer, Geschäftsführer medico international, Frankfurt/M. | Alexander Goeb, Journalist/Schrifftsteller, Frankfurt/M. | Dr. Rolf Gössner, Rechtsanwalt/Publizist, Vizepräsident der Internationalen Liga für Menschenrechte | Jürgen Gottschlich, Journalist, Istanbul | Eric van Grasdorff, Vorsitzender AfricAvenir International e.V., Berlin | Prof. Dr. Reimer Gronemeyer, Soziologe, Justus-Liebig-Universität Giessen | Victor Grossman, Journalist und Autor, Berlin | Dr. Marie-Hélène Gutberlet, Kuratorin, Filmwissenschaftlerin, Frankfurt/M. | Dr. Noa K. Ha, Post-Doctoral Fellow, Center for Metropolitan Studies, Technische Universität Berlin | Dr. Kien Nghi Ha, Kultur- und Politikwissenschaftler, Berlin | Prof. Dr. Christine Hatzky, Universität Hannover | Gabriela Heinrich, MdB für die SPD, Nürnberg | Frank Heller, Vorsitzender der Deutsch-Afrikanischen Gesellschaft , Berlin | Peter Heller, Filmemacher, München | Prof. Dr. Gudrun Hentges, Prodekanin, Hochschule Fulda | Ulrich Hentschel, Pastor, Hamburg | Rainer Herrmann, Vorstand SPD-Ortsverein Köln-Südstadt | Dr. Pierrette Herzberger-Fofana, Stadträtin, Bündnis 90/Die Grünen, Erlangen | Gunther Hilliges, Senatsrat a.D., Leiter des Landesamtes für Entwicklungszusammenarbeit 1979-2005, Bremen | Prof. Dr. Manfred O. Hinz, Fachbereich Rechtswissenschaften, Universität Bremen und Jacobs University, Bremen | Dr. Anette Hoffmann, Ethnologin, Basel/Berlin | Dr. Marion Hulverscheidt, Medizinhistorikerin, Kassel/Witzenhausen | Prof. Dr. Walter Hundt, Politologe, Beelitz | Informationsstelle Südliches Afrika (ISSA) (Lothar Berger, Volkmar Jahn, Hein Möllers) | Mustafa Y. Ismail, Regierungs- und Wirtschaftsberater, Göttingen | HM Jokinen, Bildende Künstlerin, afrika-hamburg.de | Prof. Dr. Petra Jürgens, Institut für Musiktherapie Berlin | Anetta Kahane, Vorsitzende der Amadeu-Antonio-Stiftung | Moctar Kamara, Vorsitzender des Zentralrats der afrikanischen Gemeinde in Deutschland, Berlin | Prof. Dr. Robert Kappel, Präsident Emeritus und Senior Research Fellow am GIGA, Hamburg | Israel Kaunatjike, Bündnis “Völkermord verjährt nicht!” | Prof. Dr. Ina Kerner, Politikwissenschaftlerin, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin | Dr. Ben Khumalo-Seegelken, Direktor Biblia Zuluensis, Pietermaritzburg/Huntlosen | Prof. Dr. Georg Klute, Universität Bayreuth | Bündnis “Völkermord verjährt nicht!” | 09.06.2015 | www.genocide-namibia.net | buero@berlin-postkolonial.de Prof. Dr. Reinhart Kössler, Arnold Bergsträsser-Institut, Freiburg | Christian Kopp, Historiker, Berlin Postkolonial | Prof. Dr. Raimund Krämer, Universität Potsdam, Chefredakteur der Zeitschrift WeltTrends | Merle Kröger, Autorin, Berlin Prof. Dr. Gesine Krüger, Historikerin, Universität Zürich | Clemens Krümmel, Kunstkritiker und Kurator, Berlin/ Zürich | Adetoun Küppers-Adebisi, Präsidentin AFROTAK TV cyberNomads | Michael Küppers-Adebisi, Projektmanager AFROTAK TV cyberNomads | Brigitta Kuster, Künstlerin, Artefakte//anti-humboldt, Berlin | Dr. Christoph Links, Verleger, Berlin | Dr. Ullrich Lochmann, Pfarrer i.R., Ev. Landeskirche in Baden, Rheinstetten | Dr. Eberhard Löschcke, Pfarrer im Gemeindedienst für Mission und Ökumene der Evangelischen Kirche im Rheinland | Prof. Dr. Ute Luig, Ethnologin, Freie Universität Berlin | Ulrich Lütteken, früherer Mitarbeiter im Referat Südliches Afrika des BMZ | Prof. Dr. Elisio Macamo, Entwicklungssoziologe, Universität Basel | Prof Dr. Birgit Mahnkopf, Europäische Gesellschaftspolitik, Hochschule für Wirtschaft und Recht Berlin | Dr. Elina Marmer, freie Autorin und Forscherin, AG „Rassismuskritischer Leitfaden“, Hamburg | Prof. Dr. Christoph Marx, Historiker, Universität Duisburg-Essen | Mnyaka Sururu Mboro, Berlin Postkolonial, Bündnis “No Humboldt 21!” | Markus Meckel, Präsident des Volksbundes Deutsche Kriegsgräberfürsorge | Prof. Dr. Andreas Mehler, Direktor, GIGA Institut für Afrika-Studien, Hamburg | Prof. Dr. Henning Melber, Dag Hammarskjöld Stiftung, Uppsala | Prof. Dr. Angela Mickley, Fachhochschule Potsdam, Friedenspädagogik / Konfliktbearbeitung / Mediation / Ökologie | Winfried Nachtwei, MdB Die Grünen 1994-2009, Co-Vors. Beirat Zivile Krisenprävention beim Auswärtigen Amt, Vorstand “Gegen Vergessen – Für Demokratie” | Niema Movassat, MdB für DIE LINKE, Oberhausen | Dr. Mbolo Yufanyi Movuh, CEO and Coordinator of P.E.A.C.E und Langzeit-Aktivist von The VOICE Refugee Forum, Deutschland | Till Müllenmeister, Fotojournalist, Nairobi | Lucia Muriel, Promotorin, Vorsitzende von MoveGLOBAL und MEPa – Migration, Entwicklung und Partizipation, Berlin | Prof. Dr. Jürgen Günther Nagel, FernUniversität Hagen | Prof. Dr. Wolf-Dieter Narr, Otto-Suhr-Institut, Freie Universität Berlin | Dr. Bonaventure Soh Bejeng Ndikung, Independent Curator, Art Director SAVVY Contemporary Berlin | Prof. Dr. Kum’a Ndumbe III., Fondation AfricAvenir, Douala | Prof. Dr. Dieter Neubert, Entwicklungssoziologe, Universität Bayreuth | Sharon Otoo, Autorin, RAA Berlin | Prof. Dr. Bernd Overwien, Didaktik der politischen Bildung, Universität Kassel | Jan Peters, Film und bewegtes Bild, Kunsthochschule Kassel | Peggy Piesche, Literaturund Kulturwissenschaftlerin, Bayreuth Academy of Advanced African Studies, Bayreuth | Zara S. Pfeiffer, Vorstand Netzwerk Rassismus- und Diskriminierungsfreies Bayern, München | Prof. Dr. Fanny-Michaela Reisin, Präsidentin der Internationalen Liga für Menschenrechte | Peter Ripken, Vorsitzender ISSA | Kathrin Roller, Historikerin, Berlin | Nicolai Röschert, Vorsitzender AfricAvenir International e.V., Berlin | Prof. Dr. Richard Rottenburg, Universität Halle | Prof. Dr. Werner Ruf, Politikwissenschaftler, Edermünde | Regina Sarreiter, Artefakte//anti-humboldt und Zentrum Moderner Orient, Berlin | Johanna Schaffer, Theorie und Praxis der Visuellen Kommunikation, Kunsthochschule Kassel | Dr. Henning Scherf, Bürgermeister a.D., Bremen | Prof. Dr. Christoph Scherrer, Director International Center for Development and Decent Work, Universität Kassel | Dr. Hans-Georg Schleicher, Botschafter a.D., Berlin | Dierk Schmidt, Künstler, Artefakte//anti-humboldt, Berlin | Uwe Schulte-Varendorff, Historiker, Osnabrück | Alexander Schudy, Geschäftsführer des Berliner Entwicklungspolitischen Ratschlags (BER) | Hermann Schulz, Autor, Wuppertal | Anke Schwarzer, Journalistin, Hamburg | Prof. Dr. Helen Schwenken, Universität Osnabrück | Prof. Dr. Wolfgang Seibel, Politik- und Verwaltungswissenschaften, Universität Konstanz | Prof. Dr. Dieter Senghaas, Friedensforscher, Universität Bremen | Prof. Dr. Louis Henri Seukwa, Allgemeine Erziehungswissenschaft, HAW Hamburg | Prof. Andreas Siekmann, Künstler, Kunsthochschule Berlin-Weißensee | Dr. Holger Stoecker, Historiker, Berlin | Prof. Dr. Martin Stöhr, Theologe, Frankfurt/M. | Diethelm Stoller, Ak.Dir.i.R., Kunstraum der Leuphana Universität Lüneburg | Francois Tendeng, Vorsitzender des Afrika-Rats Berlin-Brandenburg und von ANEE e.V. | Iren Tonoian, Artrmx e.V., Köln | Turgay Ulu, Journalist und Aktivist, Asyl Strike Berlin | Guenay Ulutunçok, Fotograf und Medienproduktion, Köln | Prof. Dr. Hans-Joachim Vergau, Botschafter a.D., FB Öffentliches Recht & Völkerrecht, FU Berlin | Sahra Wagenknecht, MdB für DIE LINKE, Köln | Heiko Wegmann, Dipl. Sozialwissenschaftler, freiburg-postkolonial | Prof. Dr. Heribert Weiland, Arnold Bergsträsser-Institut Freiburg, Deutsch-Namibische Gesellschaft | Birgit Weinbrenner, Studienleiterin, Witten | Dietrich Weinbrenner, Pfarrer, Ev. Kirche von Westfalen, Witten | Sylvia Werther, Politische Referentin beim Berliner Entwicklungspolitischen Ratschlag (BER) | Ingeborg Wick, ehemal. Geschäftsführerin der Anti-Apartheid-Bewegung in der BRD, Bonn | Heidemarie Wieczorek-Zeul, ehemalige Bundesministerin für wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit, Wiesbaden | Siegfried Wittig, Deutsch-Afrikanische Gesellschaft, Berlin | Prof. Dr. Ulf Wuggenig, Institut für Philosophie und Kunstwissenschaft, Leuphana Universität Lüneburg | Raul Zelik, Autor und Politikwissenschaftler, Berlin | Dr. Joachim Zeller, Kolonialhistoriker, Berlin | Prof. Dr. Bodo Zeuner, Politikwissenschaftler, Freie Universität Berlin | Prof. Dr. Aram Ziai, Entwicklungspolitik und Postkoloniale Studien, Universität Kassel | Prof. Dr. Jürgen Zimmerer, Genozidforscher, Universität Hamburg | Andreas Zumach, Journalist, Genf Bündnis “Völkermord verjährt nicht!” | 09.06.2015 | www.genocide-namibia.net | buero@berlin-postkolonial.de   

 Der Appell kann online unterzeichnet werden: >> https://weact.campact.de/p/genocide-namibia

Kontakt für Presse und NGO, die ebenfalls unterzeichnen wollen: 01799 100 976, buero@berlin-postkolonial.de

Mehr: www.genocide-namibia.net

Dorothee Sölle-Preis für aufrechten Gang 2015 – LAUDATIO

iNdlu eNcomeiNdlu eNcome

LAUDATIO

auf

Boniface Mabanza Bambu

 

„Kwathi-ke ngokwesithathu

kwaba yinsizwa

– entsha, ekhaliphilé, ekholiwe! …“

„Und das dritte Mal

war es einer

– jung, wach, gscheit, gläubig! …“

 

So oder ähnlich wird mensch vom heutigen Tag zu erzählen wissen, an dem das Ökumenische Netzwerk Initiative Kirche von unten (IKvu) auf dem 35. Deutschen Evangelischen Kirchentag in Stuttgart den “Dorothee Sölle-Preis für aufrechten Gang” an Dr. Boniface Mabanza Bambu verlieh.

Ich beglückwünsche das Ökumenische Netzwerk Initiative Kirche von unten zu dieser Entscheidung; ich gratuliere dir herzlich, lieber Boniface, lieber Bambu, zu dieser Auszeichnung. Meine Damen und Herren, Ihr Lieben, freut euch mit mir.  Es ehrt mich, die Laudatio halten zu dürfen:

*

Die eine ist eine Persönlichkeit

aus der Generation vor mir – aus der Generation meiner Eltern,

der andere

aus der Generation nach mir – der Generation meiner Kinder

Dorothee Sölle, Boniface Mabanza.

Mit meinen Fragen bewege ich mich zwischen den beiden Generationen und versuche, hinzuhören, aufzuhorchen, mitzureden und im Austausch zu bleiben.

 

Durch dich, Bambu, lerne ich Dorothee Sölle neu, ja besser begreifen;

und durch Dorothee Sölle lerne ich dich näher kennen,

durch euch beide werde ich neugierig und versuche,

meine Welt etwas anders zu beäugen und vielleicht auch zu begreifen:

 

In dem, was du, lieber Boniface, sagst, und in dem, wofür du stehst,

lässt du erkennen, – so nehme ich es wahr  –,

dass es für dich sehr wichtig ist,

dass mensch stets nach der Ursache sucht und diese im Blick behält, wenn die Mühe in einem Konfliktfall zu einer guten Lösung führen soll.

 

Du stellst dich – in dem, was du tust und wofür du stehst –

ebenfalls der Aufgabe,

auszuloten und nachvollziehbar zu erläutern,

was der Glaube an Gott und das Reden von Gott sein und bewirken kann angesichts des derzeitigen Zustandes von weiten Teilen der Welt,

[des Zustandes] den du  `die Krise des Kapitalismus´ nennst.

Damit sprichst du genau die Frage an, auf die die junge Dorothee Sölle einst den Finger legte – die Frage, die sie zeitlebens nicht mehr in Ruhe ließ:

Dorothee Sölle hatte noch im Ohr und auf ihren Lippen die Willensbekundung von 1945 „Nie wieder Krieg!“ und rang noch mit der Frage, was das für sie und für Menschen ihrer Generation bedeute, Deutsche zu sein nach Auschwitz“ – da wurde in Nachkriegsdeutschland schon gerade wieder die Wiederbewaffnung  beschlossen. Dorothee Sölle dazu:

`Der Versuch, die Katastrophe von Nationalsozialismus und Krieg zu verklären und möglichst bald aus dem Bewusstsein verdrängt zu haben, erzürnte mich und einige meiner Generation sehr; er veranlasste uns dazu, tiefgründig klären zu wollen und zu entscheiden, was für uns das Glauben an Gott und das Reden von Gott nach Auschwitz denn bedeuten kann und soll.

*

Lieber Boniface,

Menschen meiner Generation und ich begegnen dir,

hören und sehen dich mit Fragen und Herausforderungen ringen, die vielen auf der Seele liegen und auch uns umtreiben.

Wir reihen uns mit dir unter jene ein,

die ihr Vertrauen auf Gott setzen, und reden gemeinsam auch so mit Dorothe Sölle im Gebet:

„Du hast mich geträumt, Gott//

wie ich den aufrechten Gang übe//“

*

Wir wachsen miteinander in eine Gemeinschaft von Fragenden und Suchenden hinein,

die sich nicht mehr kritik- und tatenlos damit abfinden will,

dass allenthalben Menschen an Schaltstellen der Macht sich anmaßen und so gebärden,

als dürften und könnten sie

unbestraft Menschen entmenschlichen und Lebensgrundlagen zerstören.

*

In dieser Gemeinschaft von Hörenden und Betenden – im Bekennen – sind viele von uns mit dir unterwegs

– hin und wieder auch bis nach Kinshasa und weiter –

und versuchen zu ergründen,

unter welchen Bedingungen die Menschen dort leben,

mit welchen Fragen sie ringen und, – vor allen Dingen –

wie grausam Menschen aus Europa Menschen deines Landes, des Kongo,

lange schon vor der Berliner Kongo-Konferenz 1884/1885

bedrängt und verfolgt haben,

ihnen den Boden unter den Füßen entzogen

und ihr Land nach Strich und Faden ausgeplündert haben

und heute noch ausbeuten.

Die Ermordung des ersten gewählten Premierministers deines Herkunftslandes, Patrice Lumumba, vor 54 Jahren,

die eine zusätzliche Krise  heraufbeschwor,

steht in einer langen Kette jener Versuche,

Menschen gegeneinander auszuspielen,

um – selbst um jeden Preis – Kapital daraus zu schlagen.

Kolonialismus, Ausbeutung, Neokolonialismus sind die Markenzeichen dieser bösen Geschichte.

Der Glaube an Gott und das Reden von Gott hat für dich diesen Hintergrund und diesen Ausgangspunkt –  dein Kontext und dein Bezugsrahmen sind uns der Spiegel, in dem wir uns ungeschminkt wiedererkennen. Im Austausch mit dir wird uns immer bewusster, wie tief wir in Europa heute noch immer in die Machenschaften verflochten sind, die Menschen insbesondere im Nachbarkontinent Afrika entmenschlichen.

*

Politische Theologie“ nannte die junge Dorothee Sölle jene Gedankengänge,

die sie selber im jungen Nachkriegsdeutschland entwerfen und in die Diskussion mit andern einbringen konnte.

Dieses Fundament hat Dorothee Sölle mit der Zeit feministisch, ökumenisch und befreiungstheologisch vertieft und erweitert.

Wir lernen bei dir, Bambu, ein wesensgleiches Geschehen kennen.

Du umschreibst es als

Glaubenskommunikation im Kontext von Ungerechtigkeit

– eine ökumenische Theologie in Befreiungsprozessen.“

Darin sind Menschen aktiv, die suchen, fragen, ringen, träumen, beten, feiern.  Theologie geschieht.

Theologie – in der von dir mitgetragenen Glaubenskommunikation – ist

nicht bloß Gerede,

weder Geschwafel noch Pfaffengeschwätz.

Theologie ist Wort und Tat, hat Hand und Fuß.

Die Schrittfolge  Aufbrechen – Ankommen – Teilhaben  – Mitleiden  kennzeichnet deine Theologie.

*

°Das, meine Damen und Herren, Ihr Lieben,

ist für mich der wichtigste Anstoß,

den ich dem Austausch und der Gemeinschaft

mit Mitchristinnen und Mitchristen der Generation meiner Eltern

und der Generation meiner Kinder

Dorothee Sölle, Boniface Mabanza

verdanke,

°der Denkanstoß nämlich,

der mein Gesichtsfeld, meinen Horizont, erweitert,

mich mit Menschen in anderen mir bis dahin fremden Kontexten zusammenführt

und mich und andere, uns, auch dazu befähigt,

miteinander

Ursachen von Unrecht und Zerstörung zu erkennen,

aufzudecken

und zu bekämpfen

und dás aufzuspüren und zu versuchen,

was das Leben fördert

und die Erde bewahren helfen kann:

Theologie nach dem Zeitalter des Kolonialismus – nach Auschwitz – nach Gaza!

*

Üben wir weiter den aufrechten Gang, Ihr Lieben, und denken wir eines Tages gerne daran zurück:

„Kwathi-ke ngokwesithathu

kwaba yinsizwa

– entsha, ekhaliphilé, ekholiwe! …“

 Ngiyabonga!  Vielen Dank!

Ben Khumalo-Seegelken, Stuttgart, 4. Juni 2015.

gleichberechtigt miteinander leben dürfen!

Ben Khumalo-Seegelken und Klaus Wowereit beflaggen das Rote Rathaus in Berlin-Mitte zum Christopher-Street-Day (CSD) 2005Ben Khumalo-Seegelken und Klaus Wowereit beflaggen das Rote Rathaus in Berlin-Mitte zum Christopher-Street-Day (CSD) 2005

Wir freuen uns darüber, dass die Menschen in Irland beschlossen haben, lesbische und schwule Paare rechtlich der Ehe gleichzusetzen.

Aus Anlass des Deutschen Evangelischen Kirchentages in Stuttgart 2015 rufen wir die Evangelische Kirche in Württemberg dazu auf, die  Gleichstellung von lesbischen und schwulen Paaren auch in den Gemeinden der Württembergischen Kirche zur normalen Praxis zu machen.

Die Evangelische Kirche in Württemberg ist eine der wenigen Landeskirchen in Deutschland, die es immer noch ablehnen, dass selbst Paare, die nach dem Lebenspartnerschaftsgesetz eine Partnerschaft eingegangen sind, diese auf ihren Wunsch hin auch gottesdienstlich feiern.  Pfarrerinnen und Pfarrer sowie Kirchenbeamtinnen und Kirchenbeamte der Württembergischen Landeskirche, die als lesbische oder schwule Paare leben, werden außerdem dienstrechtlich nicht als Paare anerkannt.

Wir meinen und fordern: Menschen, die sich lieben und als Paare füreinander einstehen, sollen auch in der Württembergischen Landeskirche gleichberechtigt miteinander leben dürfen – natürlich auch Lesben und Schwule!

STUTTGART, zum 7. Juni 2015

Ich unterschreibe mit!

per Mail an >> khumalo-seegelken@t-online.de

Name, Postleitzahl, Wohnort  –  das genügt!

1. Dr Ben Khumalo-Seegelken, 26197 Huntlosen;

2. Ubbo Khumalo-Seegelken, 26197 Huntlosen;

3. Dr Lutz van Dijk, Kapstadt/Südafrika;

4. Helga Seegelken, 46236 Bottrop;

5. Dr Klaus Seegelken, 46236 Bottrop;

6. Marinus van der Zee, 26160 Bad Zwischenahn;

7. Reinhild Seegelken-Dehn, 31061 Alfeld;

8. Matthias Kittlitz, 04159 Leipzig;

9. Pastor i.R. Hartmut Drewes, 28209 Bremen;

10. Hans Blum, Pfarrer und Dekan i. R., 65929 Frankfurt;

11. Reinhard Lüschow, 30519 Hannover;

12. Heinz-Friedrich Harre, 30519 Hannover;

13. Martin Kuhlmann, 38226 Salzgitter;

14. Dr Grit Rüchel, 6291 NM, Niederlande;

15. Hubert Wißkirchen, 28211 Bremen;

16. Wolfgang Buchmeier, 55257 Budenheim;

17. Prof Dr Jürgen Heumann, 26111 Oldenburg;

18. Gerhard Kleimeyer, 30175 Hannover;

19. Annegret Klasen, 56751 Polch;

20. Dirk Hobbie, 26655 Westerstede;

21. Manfred Schütte, 26169 Friesoythe;

22. Dennis Adam, 26655 Westerstede;

23. L. Raikowsky, 26169;

24. Ralf Leßner, 26127 Oldenburg;

25. Manfred Rother, 26180 Rastede;

26. Frank Kruse, 26655 Westerstede;

27. Hermann Schrand, 26683 Saterland;

28. Jan Rüdebusch, 26133 Oldenburg;

29. Ulla Meyer, 26121 Oldenburg;

30. Luna;

31. Prof Dr Udo Rauchfleisch, Basel/Schweiz;

32. Pastor Martin Rutkies, 21354 Barskamp;

33. Jörg Meyer, 26125 Oldenburg;

34. Tamara Siebenmorgen-Koch, 14050 Berlin;

35. Norbert Katzenbach, 60316 Frankfurt am Main;

36. Esther Blöser, 26197 Großenkneten;

37. Tomke Ande, 22305 Hamburg;

38. Dieter Bareis, 70372 Stuttgart;

39. Dr Jan Henning Overhoff, 26121 Oldenburg;

40. Prof Dr Henning Melber, SE-75432 Uppsala/Schweden;

41.  Dr Reinhard Dietrich, 60318 Frankfurt a. M.;

42. Joscha Glanert, 26131 Oldenburg;

43. Stephan Cooper, Berlin;

44. Maria Luise Damrath, 14109 Berlin;

45. Ingrid Kölpin, 30625 Hannover;

46. Thomas Pöschl, 90489 Nürnberg;

47. Franz Karl Diestel, 31199 Diekholzen;

48. Erhard Depmeier, 30419 Hannover;

49. Christoph Gerhard, 26197 Großenkneten;

50. Gabriele Bunse, 26197 Huntlosen;

51. Ulrike Binias, 26197 Huntlosen;

52. Wolfgang Seiring, 45478 Mülheim Ruhr;

53. Monika Entmayr, 26197 Huntlosen;

54. Klaus Kenneweg, 27249 Mellinghausen;

55. Eva wagner, 26125 Oldenburg;

…       ….     ….

Memories of a Student

Mourners at a funeral ceremony for those killed by police of the apartheid-regime in Uitenhage (1985)Mourners at a funeral ceremony for those killed by police of the apartheid-regime in Uitenhage (1985)

 … at the Occasion of a

Symposium in Commemoration of Beyers Naudé (1915-2004)

in Uppsala on 10 – 11 May 2015

Beyers Naudé was never my teacher; I was never a pupil or a student of his.  Beyers Naudé was an elderly friend, an elder brother from whom I learned and I continue to learn to this day: Beyers Naudé has become, yes is my teacher!

Mine are, therefore, reminiscences and remarks of a younger brother – a son – who is learning and is eager to learn more.

Towards the end of my school-days at the age of 17 to 20 between 1968 and 1970, I heard and read for the first time about that Afrikaans-speaking white pastor who for some years already was being targeted on and fiercely driven from one controversy to the next by various circles in the leadership of his church, the Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk [NGK], the Dutch Reformed Church for Afrikaans-speaking Whites, that was notorious for propagating and practicing segregation and subjugation [apartheid] and by opinion-leaders in the Afrikaans-speaking white community including the prime-minister, Verwoerd, and cabinet-ministers in the apartheid-Establishment.

Christiaan Frederick Beyers Naudé, an Afrikaans-speaking white South African, who had come out and had started questioning, preaching and arguing for the need to do away with apartheid“the need to change!”, attracted the attention of many of my age, who – as children and as descendants of the local population whom especially the Afrikaans-speaking white community was through its apartheid-regime continuing to dispossess and had degraded into a mass of disempowered labourers and voiceless underdogs that they collectively named “Nie-Blanke/Non-Whites” or “Bantu, Kleurlinge/Coloureds, Indians”. Beyers Naudé started posing questions our parents and our elder brothers and sisters had been and were asking and for which many of them were being intimidated or had been silenced – our questions, our demands in the mouth and through the voice of someone ‘from the other side’ who, himself, was still undergoing change of perception in almost every respect and in high speed.

Beyers Naudé was and remained, in all that, son of his parents, member of his Afrikaans-speaking white community, n Boer – as he himself used to say -, for life. Beyers Naudé has, in all that, however, grown into becoming one of the most acknowledged advocates for justice and one of the most impressive examples of ‚a new South African‘.

We would listen to Beyers Naudé and argue with him as we would wage a debate with an elderly brother, an uncle, a keen teacher, in the days in which such encounter between “Blanke/White” and “Nie-Blanke/Non-White” was seldom since it had been rendered practically unthinkable by laws and measures of segregation and subjugation [apartheid].  Some of us in the South African Students’ Organisation [SASO] and other groups and organisations of the Black Consciousness Movement [BCM] in those years [1968-1972] came to appreciate the exposure and the confrontation with initiatives and processes connected with Beyers Naudé and the Christian Institute of Southern Africa [CI] of which he was one of the founding-members – initiatives and processes that appealed to us more especially because they were direct and frank in their language and authentic in every respect. Some of these were ventures into rural areas during school holidays to live with families and assist adults that were seeking to learn reading and writing and conversing and exchanging perceptions with them on issues and current events in their vicinity and generally [literacy campaigns and awareness workshops] involving the local youth.

Beyers Naudé had, by then, already got accepted as a reliable advisor and was recognised as a resourceful partner by leaders of congregations and churches that were soon to be referred to as African Independent Churches.

Coming into contact with us, Beyers Naudé met equals – certainly no everyday-experience for him at all: As daughters and sons of pious beleavers, most of us had inour early childhodd gone through „Sunday School“, had gone through the ups and downs of puberty and youth as active members and „office-bearers“ in SCM [Students Christian Movement] in secondary or vocational school and at college.  Reading and „studying“ the bible and arguing on current issues or on `matters of principle´  on the Basis of our „Christian faith“ constituted the context of social interaction – was framework of day-to-day communication for most people of my age-group those days.

I must, however, remark: Our parents, teachers and local preachers – among them the Congregational churchman, Ben Ngidi [„isikhathi esiphila kusona“ = „the time in which we live (our lifetime)“] , the Lutheran pastor and theologian, Douglas Makhathini [„… wasiweza ngelibanzi!“ = „… and she/he let us all cross over (go free) at ease!“] and the Methodist preacher, pathfinder, wise bricklayer, great ecumenical strategist and architect, Enos Sikakane [„asibhobokelane!“ = „let us break through, relate and exchange perceptions and opinions in genuine openess and mutual trust!“], had laid the foundation and made us become the ‚budding personalities‘ that we became and that later could converse and debate as we then already started doing.

We, youngsters, were, however, quite often somewhat consternated and, indeed, indignant when Beyers Naudé would, for example, not avoid sharing platforms with individuals and interest-groups who, as functionaries and beneficiaries of the apartheid-regime, were simply unacceptable to us as potential ‘agents of change’, the Bantustan-functionaries for example.  Beyers Naudé exchanged experiences and perceptions even with some of these on issues concerning ‘concepts and models of faith in post-colonial Africa’ in consultations and workshops held among others at the UMphumulo Lutheran Seminary.  Beyers Naudé would similarly not bother standing side by side with the likes of Chief Gatsha Buthelezi, head-functionary of the then KwaZulu-Bantustan, and they would call for the stopping and the withdrawal of investments from South Africa – a call we applauded as overdue, a call that, however, could have meant the severest sanctions by the apartheid-regime on both, – a call that revived and enhanced the Struggle remarkably, most probably because both Naudé and Buthelezi were so untypical in the scene and so extremely opposite in their characters and interests as would be more evident not very long after that.

The years in which I was working at the Edendale Lay Ecumenical Centre near Pietermaritzburg [1972-1975], reaching out to initiate and coordinate teams and groups of young people mainly in and around Pietermaritzburg and Durban and facilitating them in their pursuit to question and resist apartheid, I had to do quite often with Beyers Naudé and others from the Christian Institute of Southern Africa (CI) which, of course, cooperated with our Centre.

Very interesting was to observe how polite and correct the encounter and the communication would go.  “English”, a medium of communication that was for us even those days ‘nobody’s own language’, enabled us to venture and meet while remaining cautiously aloof.  At old age Beyers Naudé used to smile witty over the one and the other phrase that used to be typical of certain constellations and levels of communication and debate – ‘struggle-vocab’.

`Black Consciousness´ meeting `White Consciousness´

Instead of seeking to be speaking ` for  the non-Whites´ as some especially English-speaking white students and opinion-leaders [“liberals”] occasionally were fond of doing those years, a generation of young white adults had emerged and was taking shape in and around the Christian Institute and sought to focus on making their own white community aware and sensitive of the need to change and to cooperate in questioning and challenging apartheid.  The walk from Grahamstown to Cape Town, the Pilgrimage of Faith, from 16 December 1972 to mid-January 1973, is one of the initiatives that brought about a conscientization-process that was to be followed by clearer and more adamant ventures in the Struggle – an appealing and a very convincing expression of `White Consciousness.´

Three important observations concerning “Oom Bey”, as some of us had in the meantime learned to talk to and about him, come to mind.  I shall briefly hint on them, but will not go into detail:

  • a man fond of stirring quiet waters and of provoking fierce hounds;
  • prepared to cooperate possibly always;
  • a field-worker through and through [`n boer – in the best meaning of the word!].

Beyers Naudé would inspire and disappoint interchangeably and continually; one would be keen to rely on him all the same.  Three instances come to mind. I refer to them in brief:

  • The Special Fund of the WCC-Programme to Combat Racism Initially Beyers Naudé responded in contradicting terms and disappointed many of us in our unconditional approval of the Special Fund as an expression of genuine solidarity with the liberation-struggle.
  • A pastor preaching about ‘Obedience to God’ in the face of a ‘Commission of Enquiry into certain Organisations’ (the Schlebusch-Commission) in substantiating his decision of refusing in protest to testify before that Commission [1973], and thereby laying ground for and giving a comprehensive theological argument for “civil disobedience as divine obedience” inspired many of us enormously!
  • Annual Conference of the South African Council of Churches [SACC], Hammanskraal 1975, arguments in debating in favour of a Resolution calling for conscientious objection to compulsory military conscription and highlighting the need for chaplaincy to armed units of the liberation-movement in exile and underground.  A truly prophetic voice, indeed!

Much later – 1985 – meeting in Exile:

Ilse and Beyers Naudé participated in a conference in Arnoldshain [Germany] in which many exiled South Africans took part. As everybody was about leave at the end of the week-end, my elder son [8] who had been playing amusedly with Ilse and Beyers now and again during the conference, asked: “Papa, how do I say in their language: `Kommt uns bald in Düsseldorf besuchen!´ [Come and visit us soon in Düsseldorf!]´ ?”

You won’t believe: That simple sentence was no longer that easy for me to translate into Afrikaans! I realized all of a sudden, how much of a language that I had learned at school up to university and that I used to command almost just as any other had faded out of my cognitive memory since I had started growing into resisting apartheid conscientiously.  Afrikaans, the language of the oppressor, had since then not come over my lips again and I had simply wiped it off my mind.

The desire of my little boy in 1985 to remain in contact with the old folks he had just met, made me realise clearer at once that people engaged in resisting and fighting against apartheid included Ilse and Beyers Naudé, Allan Boesak, David Bosch and many living and striving in the first place in their mother-tongue, Afrikaans, just like Ilse and Beyers had always been and were doing – apparently such that my own son responded to them as naturally as he did!

That get-together in Arnoldshain in 1985 made me realize even clearer that overcoming apartheid entails liberating Afrikaans and other languages from the rôle that the apartheid-system had assigned to them as vehicles and instruments of segregation and subjugation.  The future beyond apartheid was one in which everyone would in every respect would can live at par with everybody else. Oom Bey and I could then affirm: `Fighting against apartheid in Zulu, Afrikaans, Xhosa, Tswana, Sotho, … means fighting for a future in which people shall live together in freedom –  conversing, celebrating and hoping in Zulu, Afrikaans, Xhosa, Tswana, Sotho, …   …!´

Since 1994

Meeting Ilse and Beyers Naudé at their home and later in the old-age home in Johannesburg since 1994, we would look back and chat.  Once after the inauguration of the Beyers Naudé Drive in Johannesburg, Oom Bey remarked seemingly overwhelmed:  „Did anyone of us ever really hope to live long enough to also witness the days in which the Change we envisaged eventually starts coming about?“

I keep on asking up to this day:  What did I learn?  What do I learn?

Ben Khumalo-Seegelken, Uppsala, 11 May 2015.

*

Ben Khumalo-Seegelken, born in 1950, theologian and social scientist , worked at the Edendale Lay Ecumenical Centre near Pietermaritzburg, South Africa [1972-1975],  promoting political awareness through youth programmes in and around Pietermaritzburg and Durban. In 1975 he had to leave the country as a political refugee and attained asylum in West Germany. He is a critical observer of the political and social situation in and around South Africa and serves in various networks in Germany and in South Africa including the Beyers Naudé Centre for Public Theology at the University of Stellenbosch and the Khulumani Support Group in Johannesburg.

 

Frischer Wind und neue Weichenstellung am Kap der Guten Hoffnung

phambili!phambili!

In Südafrika führt der Schwarzafrikaner Mmusi Maimane die „weiße“ Oppositionspartei Demokratische Allianz. In einem Gastbeitrag berichtet der Korrespondent Johannes Dieterich darüber und gibt seine erste Prognose zu Entwicklungen bis zu den 2016 stattfindenden Kommunalwahlen:

Johannesburg 10. Mai 2015: Südafrikas größte Oppositionspartei, die bislang von Weißen dominierte „Demokratische Allianz“ (DA), hat zum ersten Mal in ihrer Geschichte einen Vorsitzenden schwarzer Hautfarbe. Mit überwältigender Mehrheit wählten die Delegierten eines Parteikongresses in der Hafenstadt Port Elizabeth am Sonntag den 34-jährigen Mmusi Maimane zum neuen Parteichef.

Maimane, der bereits seit einem Jahr die Fraktion der Allianz im Kapstädter Parlament führt, verwies seinen Konkurrenten Wilmot James klar auf den zweiten Rang.

Die Demokratische Allianz war im Jahr 2000 als Nachfolgeorganisation der liberalen „weißen“ Demokratischen Partei gegründet worden, wurde jedoch nach der Selbstauflösung der „Nationalen Partei“, die 1948 in Südafrika die Apartheid eingeführt hatte, auch zur politischen Heimat früherer Anhänger und Befürworter der Apartheid.

Zunächst wurde die DA von dem Südafrikaner jüdischer Abstammung, Tony Leon, geführt, danach von Helen Zille. Die Großnichte des Berliner Milieu-Malers Heinrich Zille, deren Eltern aus dem Nazi-Deutschland geflohen waren, bemühte sich in den vergangenen acht Jahren darum, die DA in eine auch für Südafrikaner schwarzer Hautfarbe attraktive Organisation zu verwandeln. Die von der Presse als „historisches Ereignis“ bezeichnete Wahl Maimanes wird nicht zuletzt als Zielles Verdienst gewertet.

Der in Soweto geborene Maimane erlebte in den vergangenen vier Jahren einen kometenhaften Aufstieg innerhalb der DA: Vom Parlamentskandidaten in Soweto wurde er Kandidat der Oppositionspartei für das Bürgermeisteramt in Johannesburg und schließlich Fraktionsvorsitzender im nationalen Parlament.

Der rhetorisch geschliffene Politiker stammt aus einfachem Haus: Sein Vater ist als Angestellter in einem Laden beschäftigt, seine Mutter arbeitet in einem Labor. Der gläubige Christ studierte zunächst in Johannesburg öffentliche Verwaltung, später in Wales Theologie – noch immer predigt er sonntags gerne in seiner Kirche, der charismatischen Liberty Church.

„Obama von Soweto“

Kritiker werfen dem gut aussehenden Politiker vor, von allen geliebt werden zu wollen und wirklich umstrittene politische Themen wenn möglich zu meiden. Allerdings griff er im Parlament bereits wiederholt scharf und souverän den amtierenden Staatspräsidenten Jacob Zuma [ANC] an.  Seine Freunde nennen ihn den „Obama von Soweto“.

Vom politischen Gegner, dem regierenden ANC, muss sich Maimane immer wieder persönliche Beleidigungen gefallen lassen. Regierungsvertreter pflegen den schwarzafrikanischen Repräsentanten der „weißen“ Partei einen „gemieteten Eingeborenen“ oder – wie kürzlich eine Ministerin – einen „Zirkusaffen“ zu nennen, der selbst nach der Befreiung noch nach der Musik seiner ehemaligen Herren tanze. Maimane kontert, dass in solchen Entgleisungen die Furcht der Regierungspartei zum Vorschein käme, die die DA künftig nicht mehr als „rassistische“ Interessenvertretung um ihrer Privilegien besorgter Weißer verunglimpfen könne. Unter Zille vermochte die DA ihre Wahlresultate kontinuierlich zu steigern: Mit 22 Prozent erhielt sie bei den Parlamentswahlen vor einem Jahr ihr bislang bestes Resultat. Gegenüber dem ANC, r weil mehr als 60 Prozent der Stimmen errang, bleibt die DA allerdings deutlich abgeschlagen.

Schon vor der Wahl Maimanes gelangen der DA jedoch überraschende Achtungserfolge. Kürzlich vermochte die DA die Studentenvertretung der Universität von Fort Hare für sich zu gewinnen – der ersten Schwarzen offenstehenden Hochschule des Landes, einer traditionellen und symbolträchtigen Hochburg der alten Befreiungsbewegung, wo auch Nelson Mandela studierte.

Auf Erfolgskurs

Im kommenden Jahr stehen am Kap der Guten Hoffnung Kommunalwahlen an: Meinungsforschungsinstituten zu Folge kann die DA mit weiteren Gewinnen rechnen – vor allem, weil viele vom ANC geführten Kommunen für ihre erbärmlichen Dienstleistungen berüchtigt sind. Unter anderem könnte die DA, die bereits heute Kapstadt und die Provinz Westkap regiert, die Metropole Johannesburg und die Hafenstadt Port Elizabeth erobern.

Maimane will seine Partei zu einer Organisation machen, in der Hautfarbe keine Rolle spielt, ohne dass sie geleugnet wird: „Wenn du nicht siehst, dass ich schwarz bin“, sagte er nach seiner Wahl zum Parteivorsitzenden, „dann siehst du mich nicht“.

Johannes Dieterich.

The Christian Institute of Southern Africa: In Interaction with the Churches and Civil Society

Work in Progress [with bibliography]not for citation without permission!

© Ben Khumalo-Seegelken

Abstract:

Christian involvement in questioning and resisting apartheid in the period between the founding of the Christian Institute of Southern Africa (CI) in 1963 and the banning of organisations and activists opposing apartheid in October 1977 has been focused on in biographies and in academic surveys and analyses, a selection of which forms the frame of reference for the contribution at hand.

The movement confessing and acting against apartheid as from the early 1960s, of which the CI had become the most outspoken representative, had emerged and gained momentum not as programmatic and as systematic as one might assume, if one were later to focus only onto the outward initiatives which that movement generated in the seventeen years between the Sharpeville-Massacre [1960] and October 1977 when that movement ultimately fell prey of repressive measures that the apartheid-regime had continually employed to silence and dismantle it.

The experience of being a common target of indiscriminate and systematic hostile and repressive measures (by retaliating addressees – the apartheid-state and the white Dutch Reformed Churches in particular) motivated the interest-groups and organizations concerned, including the CI, to concentrate on set priorities and to strive for reliable relations among one another – to simply “go it alone [together]!”

Key words: Christian Institute of Southern Africa (CI), apartheid, Sharpeville-Massacre, English-speaking churches, Christiaan Frederik Beyers Naudé, Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk (NGK), World Council of Churches (WCC), Cottesloe-Consultation, Broederbond, Pro Veritate, uMkhonto weSizwe, Dutch Reformed Churches (DRCs),  African Independent [African Initiated Churches] Churches Association (AICA), Black Consciousness Movement (BCM), Steve Biko, South African Council of Churches (SACC), Study Project on Christianity in an Apartheid Society (SPRO-CAS), Interdenominational African Ministers Association in South Africa (IDAMASA), Programme to Combat Racism (PCR), Confessing Church, Kirchenkampf, Schlebusch/Le Grange Commission, Black Theology, Manas Buthelezi, Soweto, Oshadi Phakathi, Hammanskraal Resolution, End Conscription Campaign (ECC), Broeder Kring/Belydende Kring, Belhar Confession.

Foreword

Christian involvement in questioning and resisting apartheid  in the period between the founding of the Christian Institute of Southern Africa (CI) in 1963 and the banning of organisations and activists opposing apartheid  in October 1977 has been focused on in biographies and in academic surveys and analyses, a selection of which forms the frame of reference for the contribution at hand.[1]

Taking part in initiatives and projects, interacting and exchanging perceptions with contemporaries in the early 1970s, the current author acquired considerable insight into incidents and developments concerning the topic at hand which have been continually updated and reflected upon over a lengthy period and could in the meantime be supplemented through consultation and study of archival records particularly at the Beyers Naudé Centre for Practical Theology in Stellenbosch and at the Alan Paton Centre & Struggle Archives in Pietermaritzburg as well as through participative observation at various venues in South Africa and Germany to date.

Outline: Civil Rights’ Movement, Churches and the CI

Measures of repression in South Africa had reached alarming extremes when on 21 March 1960 a police-unit opened fire on demonstrating residents in Sharpeville near Vereeniging, killing 69, injuring hundreds and arresting at least just as many of them.  The Sharpeville-Massacre, as that incident soon came to be known, marked a turning-point in the political context of the 1960s and the decades to follow.[2] The civil rights’ movement in present-day South Africa (and Namibia) took shape and gained its profile in the struggle against apartheid – against those teachings and that practice of segregation and subjugation that had become government-policy in post-colonial Southern Africa since 1948 – which endured notably in the period following the Massacre of Sharpeville.

The values and convictions underlying the commitment of those who take initiative and bear responsibility for the various ventures within organisations and networks in the civil rights’ movement, very often show close affinity to principles that are usually upheld by persons and societies with as far-reaching ideological affiliations as those of believers in the one or the other religion-tradition – in most cases Christians.  The churches in the diversity of their confessional profiles have often been a significant factor in that development in South Africa (and Namibia).

As far as the “English-speaking churches”[3] are concerned, it had at the latest shortly after the Sharpeville-Massacre become apparent that not all member-churches of the Christian Council of Southern Africa[4], the forerunner of the South African Council of Churches (SACC), denounced and were opposed to apartheid: Church-denominations of British as well as those of American, European and Scandinavian origin, the so-called “English-speaking churches”, who had been founded and continued to be led and controlled only by whites, would, like the Roman Catholic Church[5], as beneficiaries of the government-policy of segregation and oppression at best always give lip-service to questioning apartheid or would rather even dare to condone the one or the other measure in favour of maintaining the status quo [6]; they, however, seldom would go as far as the white Dutch Reformed Churches (DRCs) to openly seek to justify that system.

The pursuit of questioning, challenging and resisting apartheid, “the Struggle”, brought about constellations of interest-groups that, as they over decades endured atrocities and persecution, kept the strife for freedom alive and laid the foundation for further pursuits that ultimately contributed considerably to the decisive negotiations and the breakthrough into a new future for all in 1994.

The Christian Institute of Southern Africa (CI) is one of the organizations and networks that played an important role in “the Struggle”. A whole range of initiatives, organisations, networks and institutions including churches and related societies shares convictions and methods similar to those that shaped and characterized the CI in the fourteen years of its active engagement between 1963 and 1977.

How and to what extent which of those organisations, networks and churches that confessed and acted against apartheid in those decades and those committed similarly at present, followed and follow a similar pattern as the CI in searching for, finding their way and standing their ground for justice against injustice, deserves focus and analysis as shall be embarked on in this essay, in order that their commitment could be seen and evaluated in historical perspective and probably be better understood today.

Based on a selection of church-institutions of different confessional traditions on the one and organisations and projects focussing on different aspects in questioning, opposing and resisting theories and practices of segregation and subjugation in the apartheid-era in Southern Africa on the other hand, the survey underlying the essay at hand sets out to identify, highlight and address patterns and modes of conviction and activity resembling the general pattern of commitment observed in the life and work of the CI and to give an outline of the interaction within that constellation – the civil rights’ movement and the churches.  

The Emergence of the CI

The Christian Institute of Southern Africa (CI) was founded on 13 August 1963.[7] It started as an interest-group of predominantly English-speaking white Christians mainly from around Johannesburg and developed into a network of individuals and interest-groups from various confessional traditions and population-groups that were challenging and seeking to overcome apartheid  “in church and society”. They perceived their commitment as an attempt to express their ‘obedience to God’.[8]

One of the founder-members of the CI, Christiaan Frederik Beyers Naudé [1915-2004], a member of the regional governing body, the synod, in his Church, the Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk (NGK), one of the Afrikaans-speaking white Dutch Reformed Churches (DRCs)[9], had been one of South Africa’s theologians and church-members that had attended as delegates the interdenominational conference of the member-churches of the World Council of Churches (WCC) on 7-14 December 1960 at Cottesloe near Johannesburg, the Cottesloe-Consultation, which had been convened at the initiative of the WCC and its member-churches in South Africa, following the escalating and increasingly brutal measures of repression on persons and organisations opposing, protesting against or resisting apartheid. The Sharpeville-Massacre marks a turning-point in the political context world-wide.[10]

The Cottesloe-Consultation had set out to explore measures that the participating member-churches of the WCC could and ought to take in confessing for unity and laying witness more convincingly and effectively against the teachings and the practice of apartheid.[11] The talks held and the resolutions adopted on that consultation underlined the shared rejection of biblical and theological justification of apartheid and called for measures to confess and live accordingly. The Consultation resolved among others:

  • No-one who believes in Jesus Christ may be excluded from any church on the grounds of his colour or race …;
  • There are no Scriptural grounds for the prohibition of mixed marriages …;
  • We call attention to the disintegrating effects of migrant labour on African life …;
  • It is our conviction that the right to own land wherever he is domiciled, and to participate in the government of his country, is part of the dignity of the adult man …;
  • It is our conviction that there can be no objection in principle to the direct representation of Coloured people in Parliament …[12]

It is, however, revealing that the Cottesloe-Declaration came ultimately in its Part III to actually mention the Sharpeville-Massacre in a nearly explicit manner – in the wording of the sub-heading “Judicial Commission on the Langa and Sharpeville Incidents” – this only after the said “incidents [!]” had been described in Part II of the Declaration as a “tension” which was “the result of a long historical development” for which the Declaration contends that “all groups bear responsibility for it” and recommends that “[t]his must also be seen in relation to events in other parts of the world“. In cautious terminology and in a subservient and strikingly obsequious tone, the Consultation “expresses its appreciation for the prompt institution [by the apartheid-regime] of enquiries into the recent disturbances [!]” and “requests the Government to publish the findings as soon as possible”.

The constellation of churches within the Christian Council of South Africa, the forerunner of the SACC, including those that had not been part of the Cottesloe-Consultation responded differently to the escalating repression, a few of them, however, indicating willingness in principle to reconsider their perceptions and standpoints and possibly refrain from practices of segregation and subjugation as a result.  

Predictably, controversial discussions broke out in response to the Cottesloe-Declaration particularly within those member-churches of the WCC that, like the Afrikaans-speaking white Dutch Reformed Churches (DRCs), outwardly supported or at least condoned apartheid. Reporting on the conference entitled “Cottesloe after 30 years” that was held three decades later – in September 1990, Die Kerkbode, the newsletter of the NGK, had as its heading “Stofstorm rondom Cottesloe lê nog nie heeltemal nie” (“Cottesloe dust-storm has not quite settled [as yet]”).[13]

Beyers Naudé, as mouthpiece of the delegation that had represented the white DRCs at Cottesloe, faced as a result of his and their co-authorship and continued approval of the decisions arrived at in that consultation, fierce attacks and vicious intrigues particularly from pro-apartheid circles within his Church, the Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk (NGK), and the Afrikaans-speaking white community at large. That resulted in him having to resign and give up his post as pastor, lay down further appointments in that Church and start working primarily for and within the emerging organisation, the Christian Institute (CI). Naudé, who was already serving in the voluntary editorial team of the journal, Pro Veritate [1962-1977][14], which had been established shortly after the Cottesloe-Consultation and was to become the main publicity-organ of the CI for the following one and a half decades, withdrew his membership in the Broederbond, the pro-apartheid secret-organisation that used to operate also through members and decision-makers at every level and in almost every sphere of the apartheid-regime and the Afrikaans-speaking white churches.

It is worth noting that the movement confessing and acting against apartheid in the early 1960s, of which the CI had become the most outspoken representative, emerged and gained momentum, however, not as programmatic and as systematic as one might assume, if one were later to focus only onto the outward initiatives which that movement generated in the seventeen years between Sharpeville and October 1977 when it ultimately fell prey of repressive measures that the apartheid-regime had continually employed to silence and dismantle it:

The CI had emerged and developed gradually, in the first place more coincidentally and as a reflexive reaction to the status quo: It was neither the Sharpeville-Massacre on 21 March 1960, nor the resulting proclamation of a ‘state of emergency’ by the apartheid-regime and the banning of the African National Congress (ANC) and the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) on 8 April 1960, nor the respondent interdenominational consultation of the member-churches of the World Council of Churches (WCC) at Cottesloe in December 1960, the Cottesloe-Consultation as such, that ignited in Beyers Naudé, the leading founder-member of the CI, the decisive impulse to openly denounce the apartheid-establishment and rather invest more effort in intensifying and developing the ecumenical perspective that had begun to take shape during the Cottesloe-Consultation. It was rather the polemic and controversial reaction on reports over the Cottesloe-Declaration within the Afrikaans-speaking white DRCs[15] and particularly within the secret-organization, the Broederbond, – the escalation of that controversy -which actually fanned the flames of discontent and brought about the decisive stirring-up of conscience among some members of the main-stream white churches around Beyers Naudé some of whom had shortly before then approved of the Cottesloe-Declaration.  In response to the escalating controversy over Naudé’s stand towards the outcome of the Cottesloe Consultation, a process of individual and collective critical self-assessment and self-awareness started and soon developed into an informal network that led to the inauguration of an ecumenical interest-group, the Christian Institute of Southern Africa (CI).  This, indeed, is an observation that deserves being focused on and reflected upon from as various angles as can be considered within the essay at hand, more so, since the ongoing attempt to examine the concurrent and the subsequent influence of the CI on church and civil society is meant to lead to insights of at least some substantial meaningfulness for church and society in historical and ecumenical perspective. 

The CI: Outreach and Conflicts – a reciprocal process

Bible-study, fellowship-meetings and informal consultations in private-homes in various places as well as public-meetings of persons from diverse population-groups and from various confessional traditions exchanging experiences and perceptions on biblical and socio-political issues, constituted the life of the fledging ecumenical organization and generated critical thought and expression amidst escalating repression. The CI gradually evolved and developed into “a movement based on the German war-time model of a Confessing Church in Southern Africa”.[16]

At least in two instances – firstly, in the face of the Schlebusch/Le Grange Commission [1973] and secondly, in the clear stand that the CI took in the “Hammanskraal Resolution” of the SACC in favour of conscientious objection against military conscription [1974] – did the CI most clearly come to live up to the self-set goal of ‘confessing in obedience to God against an unjust regime and openly inviting and motivating others to follow suit’. Not without reason had the CI adopted ‘the German war-time model of a Confessing Church’ as source of encouragement and frame of reference in their pursuit against apartheid: The foundation and measures of the apartheid-system did not only resemble those of the Hitler-regime in pre-war Germany in almost every respect, the protagonists and beneficiaries of the apartheid-system constructed and justified their atrocities in similar terms, with comparable expressions of conviction and in almost identical vocabulary. The Barmen-Declaration (1934) in which the experiences and insights in confessing against National Socialism (Nazism) are spelt out, came to be understood by Beyers Naudé and many within the CI in the early 1960s and later as being relevant and committing in the face of apartheid.  Attempts to recall and to implement the Cottesloe-Declaration (1960) consequently quite often reiterated the insights and affirmations propounded in “Barmen” (1934), reclaiming these in trying to stand firm against perceived injustice in a given situation. Consequently, when particularly Desmond Tutu and Allan Boesak each – in 1976 and 1979 respectively – openly confronted state-power, demanding fundamental change[17], contemporaries and observers in church-congregations, pastoral convents and ecumenical bodies described the venture as the most articulate manner of confessing obedience to God and calling for civil disobedience in prophetical tradition in the face of injustice, reminding of – although not necessarily taking explicit recourse to – the Kirchenkampf [Church Struggle] in pre-War Germany decades earlier.    

Bible-study and theological training in support of congregations and interest-groups in churches outside the Eurocentric-mainstream, member-churches of what later became known as the African Independent Churches Association (AICA) in particular, as well as consultation and exchange of perceptions with representatives of the emerging Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) (among others: Steve Biko, Barney Pityana, Sabelo Ntwasa and Bennie Khoapa) and Black Theology[18] (Manas Buthelezi, Douglas Makhathini, Ben Ngidi and Elliot Khoza Mgojo among others)[19] and concerted reach-out and cooperation-programs with marginalized communities, availed the CI of an optimal stance within the constellation of initiatives and the networks of organisations challenging and opposing apartheid in public in the aftermath of the Sharpeville-Massacre and the banning of the ANC and the PAC [1960]. With Manas Buthelezi and Oshadi Phakathi as staff-members[20] and black Catholic priests including Smangaliso Mkhatshwa as supportive contemporaries[21] in the early 1970s, the CI had ultimately set foot among organizations and initiatives that – in the aftermath of Sharpeville and the banning of the ANC and the PAC – were no longer only protesting and resisting certain practices and measures, but were already in the process of going over to openly challenging the apartheid-regime, demanding fundamental change – a big stride since the formative years a decade earlier that were understandably characterized by a whole range of typical inconsistencies.

One instance of such incongruences in the formative years comes to mind: Not even in his attempt to respond to the public reaction on the Cottesloe-Declaration on 18 December 1960, could Beyers Naudé for a moment refrain from the notorious practice among Whites those times of habitually and seemingly subconsciously employing offending and defamatory apartheid-vocabulary – for example “nie-Blanke” (“non-White”), “communists” (a polemic reference to apartheid-opponents intended to undermine their integrity, discredit their motives and goals and justify measures to silence them); Naudé argues apologetically in that controversy – by no means as emphatically as would have been warranted and at least typical of him in defence of the recommendations of a representative conference against misunderstandings, obvious distortions and ongoing political instrumentalisation from within the Afrikaans-speaking white DRCs and the Broederbond in the given situation.[22] The articles and editorials in Pro Veritate and the public statements in the name of the CI right up to the late 1960s were not without similar apartheid-terminology and traces of affinity to the popular teachings and practice of segregation and subjugation[23]; they retained at least an “unconsciously patronising” approach and tone[24] right into the early 1970s.

Through its journal, Pro Veritate, and the annual Director’s Report, the CI communicated and documented most of the developments and activities of internal and public interest – a venture that soon gained active support from a growing circle of readers and contributors far beyond the bounds of inner-church communities. Critical and openly polemic reactions from supporters and beneficiaries of apartheid within both the Afrikaans- and the “English-speaking” white church-communities were soon to be accentuated by repressive measures aimed at silencing the publication-organ and its readership – a goal the apartheid-regime believed to have ultimately accomplished by October 1977.[25]

Developments in the ecumenical movement at large found room in Pro Veritate and remained within focus in various circles of the CI-membership and associates. These included both the immediate and the unending controversial public discussion following – on the one hand – on the decision of the World Council of Churches (WCC) to launch a Special Fund within its Programme to Combat Racism (PCR) out of which the exiled organizations of the liberation-movement from Southern Africa, among them the ANC, PAC and SWAPO (South West African Peoples’ Organisation), would, like similar other initiatives and projects world-wide, who had applied successfully, receive financial support for their non-violent projects, and – on the other hand – the theological debate around the annual celebration of 16 December to glorify God for the victory of the Voortrekkers in the Battle of “Blood River” [1838][26]. Some of the occasional sermons and public statements published by the CI received wide attention, stirred controversy and ignited activity far beyond the reactionary pro-apartheid networks of the day.[27]

The CI was still in the process of embarking onto ‘exploring [- within a common venture with the SACC -] alternative futures’ when in the late-1960s labour-tenants and their families on farms and communities in semi-urban areas were being evicted on a large scale, driven away and dumped in the ‘bantustans’, that had to become their ‘homelands’. Learners and students in semi-urban and rural areas had started attaining growing public attention as they now and again – albeit sporadically – ventured collectively to voice out their grievances against measures they found discriminatory, some of them reaching out as teams on week-ends and during school-holidays to ‘awaken’ and ‘mobilise’ others in the spirit of the fledging movement of black consciousness. Workers in mines, on the docks, in factories and in private households were again frequently resorting to strikes for a fair wage and better work-conditions. The concurrent aggravation of the living conditions for the population-majority prompted the CI, among others, to launch a project that was “to provide facts and analysis which [could] serve as the basis for informed critical judgements on public and church policies”,[28] the Study Project on Christianity in an Apartheid Society (SPRO-CAS) [1969].

Through SPRO-CAS, the CI and the SACC sought to ‘challenge our South African society at every level of its existence’.[29] For that purpose, SPRO-CAS was, however, “a somewhat naively conceived venture in that it was hoped that when white South Africans were provided with more information on the injustices wrought by existing policies, and offered a range of alternative policies, they would be prompted to take a vigorous stand against apartheid”.[30] Peter Walshe observes: “Of course nothing like this occurred. Rather the [CI] had to struggle through SPROCAS I, SPROCAS II and a range of later initiates in an effort not to be overtaken by events as blacks tried to take the future into their own hands and showed no inclination to wait any longer for some hoped-for response from whites”.  SPRO-CAS ultimately proved to have been nothing more than “an elaborate, but [much too] imaginative, attempt”.[31]

Retrospectively, one could on the one hand resume: In spite of the series of successful initiatives that the CI managed to take especially in the late 1960s in reaching out and striking common-ground with a variety of non-segregationist activists, organisations and churches locally and abroad, it, however, was and remained an organisation that was centred in and focussed on the white community and its interests and perspectives. Some contemporary issues including the tactical attacks marking the launch of uMkhonto weSizwe (MK) on 16 December 1961, the subsequent public upheavals up to the end of the Rivonia Trial (1964) and even the contributions by outspoken Christian opponents of apartheid like Chief Albert Luthuli, Nobel Peace Prize Laureate (1960), seem to have simply remained out of focus, or were at best reluctantly taken notice of, if not purposely ignored by the CI and its supporters, whatever the reasons might have been.[32]

On the other hand, it is true that, notwithstanding the contradictions typical of a movement evolving gradually from within a complex system it intends to restructure, the CI, indeed, did soon become “a thoroughly disturbing prophetic voice”[33] which continued criticizing and describing the impact of apartheid on South Africa’s population-majority, condemning the structures of injustice, assailing complacency, struggling to articulate an alternative vision for society and trying to discern appropriate methods to bring something of that vision into being.[34]

When in 1982 David Bosch, renowned theologian from the NGK, responded to the call to submit to the Eloff-Commission of Inquiry a statement on the theological profile and the activities of the SACC, an outline and an explanation of particular principles and traditions was tabled, arguing and explaining as to what “the Church [inferably: the SACC]” – following acknowledged Reformed theological schools of thought – was meant to be and what it ought to or should be in the given context in South Africa. This monumental study summarises profoundly the various perceptions nurtured and gained in consultations, Bible-study circles, reach-out initiatives, academic seminars and public controversies since the early 1960s that were the primary domain of the CI which was contrary to popular NGK-standpoints and was to serve as point of departure and frame of reference for further initiatives and ventures including the document that became known as the Belhar Confession [1982 and the Kairos Document [1985].

The CI: reach-out, exchange and networking

The post-missionary ‘daughter-churches’ of the white-controlled DRCs had been conceived and were managed as separate entities for ‘non-white’ converts and their descendants. After Cottesloe some congregations and interest-groups within these churches started reasserting their ground with growing self-esteem and gradually turned to confess and act more substantially against segregation and subjugation, steadily developing a profile differing from that prescribed by and inherited from the white-controlled ‘mother-church’, the NGK.

The black DRCs grew into the constellation of organisations and churches that were soon to work together in various projects and share important pronouncements and ventures against apartheid, of late also as members of the South African Council of Churches (SACC). Some of the most articulate theologians and leaders of the then progressing black DRCs, Allan Boesak, Sam Buti and Shun Govender did not only contribute considerably to nurturing the analysis and promoting sound reflection on biblical themes within their church and the black-theology–movement in the 1970s, they were also efficiently instrumental in kindling and furthering the unity-talks that were to affirm confessional foundations and help overcome the inherited disunity more especially among the churches of Reformed tradition in Southern Africa.[35] The document that later became known as the “Belhar Confession” [1982], which was subsequently adopted by the Synod of the Dutch Reformed Mission Church in 1986, is one of the pronouncements of ecumenical significance from within that inner-church movement. Although progress has in the meantime been made to have this confessional milestone acknowledged and hopefully also adopted by the wider DRC-family, it still remains a contested document to date.

The process of reaffirmation that the black DRCs initiated in the aftermath of Cottesloe gained momentum through the occasional contacts with the AICA and the IDAMASA (Interdenominational African Ministers Association in South Africa) in the late 1960s on the one hand and the subsequent continual exchange within the spectrum around the CI and related initiatives and networks including the Broeder Kring (later Belydende Kring), an informal think-tank and forum of theologians and associates from the black DRCs rooted in the Western Cape, on the other hand, and enabled the black DRCs to gradually assume the function of some sort of ‘a matrix’ within which inter-black and inter-confessional contacts [would] grow.

The CI and the SACC

The growing number of those engaged in implementing the goals and objectives of the CI in the 1960s proved consistently mindful of recalling and reaffirming the values and convictions which they considered unalienable and which were to guide each effort envisaged and undertaken. This was soon to be expressed more profoundly in pronouncements including the statement some of them had co-authored in establishing the South African Council of Churches (SACC) to take over from the Christian Council of South Africa in 1968 as agency and ‘umbrella-organization’ of churches in South Africa – the document, “A Message to the People of South Africa”[36].

In public statements that some of them made from time to time with regard to their personal stand in the controversial issues including the public discussion around the Special Fund of the WCC’s Programme to Combat Racism (PRC)[37], or in the reasons some of them gave for example for refusing to testify before the “Select Commission of Inquiry into certain Organisations”, the “Schlebusch/Le Grange-Commission”[38], or in their arguments for withdrawal of investments and the end of trade and economic cooperation with the apartheid-regime[39], or in their reasons for favouring and recommending the option for conscientious objection against compulsory military conscription[40], up to the realisation by a few of them, that it had in the meantime become a matter of fact for them to openly pledge solidarity with or at least no longer indiscriminately condemn those who had resorted to resisting and fighting apartheid underground and in exile within the armed units of the liberation-struggle including uMkhonto weSizwe (MK), they, indeed, each stood their ground and ventured as a civil rights’ movement that the apartheid-regime and the white DRCs could simply no longer ignore.

Their steadfastness was, of course, not to go unnoticed and was duly acknowledged by friend and foe:

On the one hand the white DRCs and almost the entire Afrikaans-speaking white community, supporters and beneficiaries of the apartheid-system, continued almost similarly determined and uncompromisingly to highlight and affirm certain options in interpreting and implementing biblical teachings which they held in high esteem and which they felt were being unduly questioned and were to be defended against the growing move of the CI and its supporters.[41]

On the other hand, congregations and governing bodies of churches outside the white-controlled main-stream, which had come to be known as African Independent Churches  (later also: African Initiated Churches), as well as leaders and activists in various civil organisations questioning and challenging apartheid in the aftermath of the Sharpeville-Massacre, most of whom were operating within the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM), discovered the CI and dealt with it as a genuine and reliable partner in the pursuit for liberation.

This holds true also for networks and some personalities and congregations from within the “English-speaking churches” including the Roman Catholic Church.  Interest-groups and initiatives throughout South Africa and South-West Africa (Namibia) with concerns stretching from conscientious objection against military conscription up to those of schoolchildren and youth in the face of Bantu Education in Soweto and elsewhere[42] as well as leaders and activists in the liberation-movement underground and in exile, had by 1976 grown to know of and were in some or other way familiar with the statements, meetings, consultations and projects of the CI and shared the common goal to overcome segregation and oppression. Through the commitment of the CI and related networks[43] in the fourteen years of its active participation in the Struggle, the ecumenical movement world-wide – particularly within the member-churches of the World Council of Churches (WCC) in Europe and North America – became part of the movement questioning and resisting apartheid and contributed considerably towards keeping the world-community informed of the challenge and the ongoing pursuit.

Most important of all in this regard: The support that the CI used to give to promote the literacy-programmes, bible-study courses, pastoral training and women’s projects of the AICA and the various initiatives and projects of the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM), enabled the CI to gain closer insight and acquire admittance into motivated oppositional circles in rural and semi-urban sectors of the black community in the late 1960s. This set a process in motion that was to reactivate and keep even the ecumenical movement abroad and the world-community at least continually informed of the ongoing multi-facetted Struggle to end apartheid.

Patterns and Modes of Commitment – three observations in conclusion

The interaction between the CI and contemporary institutions and organizations was the outcome of a merely coincidental process that occurred in a reciprocal manner.

The CI had the advantage of a new-comer in the scene opposing apartheid paired with a lightly fluctuating but steadily growing and diversified network of well-wishers and financial supporters also in Western Europe and North America.

Consequently, the CI could advance relatively swiftly in moving from “Phase One” to “Phase Two” – from identifying and articulating issues of concern to undertaking to implementing them within an ‘aboveground setup’ outside the structures of public authority and power.  In that process the CI ventured and was readily accepted among contemporary institutions and organizations as partner who in turn willingly availed a commonly shared frame of reference, a reservoir of acquired skills, a publicity-platform, access to funds and office-infrastructure.  The CI became part of contemporary networks, learnt and shared their ‘language’ and grew to understand and appreciate their points of departure, perceptions, strategies and their techniques.  These were, among others, the AIC and the BCM as well as the former “daughter-churches” of the NGK, the member-churches of the SACC, IDAMASA and the forerunner-initiatives of the ECC (End Conscription Campaign].

The experience of being a common target of indiscriminate hostile measures (by retaliating addressees – the apartheid-state and the white DRCs in particular) motivates the interest-groups and organizations concerned to rather concentrate on set priorities and to strive for reliable relations among one another – to simply “go it alone!”[44]  Without always explicitly agreeing on aspects or modalities, interest-groups and organizations of diverse character often accepted, shared and even adopted initiatives and stands in issues of common concern pretty readily.

In the face of intimidation and pressure around the Schlebusch/Le Grange Commission, the detentions and bannings in the early 1970s, the CI and contemporary organizations and interest-groups developed into an interconnected constellation that covered a wide spectrum of issues of concern in opposition and in resistance to norm and authority under apartheid. 

Processes leading to the development of a viable civil rights’ movement ran concurrently and consecutively and overlapped, the later phases reviving and complementing the earlier and bringing these to fruition almost unawares.

When on 19 October 1977 eighteen organisations were declared prohibited, they retrospectively gained esteem in the eyes of the oppressed majority-population and became the foundation-stone for the civil rights’ movement of the following decades.

Factors determining interaction among various contemporaries in pursuit of a common goal in a given situation could be touched upon in briefly recalling the emergence and some of the activities in almost one and a half decade after Sharpeville and the founding of the CI. Contradictory statements and incongruous options determining the nature and the extent of conflicts and endeavours at resolving them are characteristic of society and churches far beyond the given context of the apartheid-era [1948-1994].

Individual and collective contributions to the struggle in and around the CI and the SACC in the aftermath of the Hammanskraal Resolution [1974] came to fruition and brought their impact to bear most effectively in the public debate that gained new momentum in response to the measures of 19 October 1977 when the apartheid regime instituted a judicial commission of enquiry, the Eloff-Commission, which was to investigate the inception, development, objects, history and activities of the SACC as well as organizations and people giving money or assets to the Council.

When in 1982 David Bosch, renowned theologian – academic and practitioner –  from the NGK and a profiled  cooperative contemporary of the CI of international standing from within the inner circles of the Afrikaans-speaking mainstream, was subpoenaed and agreed to submit a statement to the Eloff-Commission, he tabled an outline and an explanation of particular principles and traditions of Christian theology, arguing and explaining as to what “the Church [inferably: the SACC]” – following acknowledged Reformed theological schools of thought – was meant to be and what it ought to or should be in the given context in South Africa. This monumental study summarises profoundly the various perceptions nurtured and gained in consultations, Bible-study circles, reach-out initiatives, academic seminars and public controversies since the early 1960s that were the primary domain of the CI and the SACC which were fundamentally contrary to popular NGK-standpoints and were to serve as point of departure and frame of reference for further initiatives and ventures in the aftermath of the Hammanskraal Resolution [1974] including the pronouncements and documents that became known as the Belhar Confession [1982] and the Kairos Document [1985].

Conclusion

The brief glimpse into the life and activities of the CI in interaction with the churches and civil society in the apartheid-era illustrates the complex nature of continuities and discontinuities in historical dimensions involving theology and politics and could help identify and determine similar developments under related conditions also in future. 

Bibliography:

Notes, Records and unpublished Documents

Annonieme Versameling in Verband met Beyers Naudé, die Christelike Instituut en aanverwante Dokumente, Saamgestel deur Murray Coetzee, Beyers Naudé Sentrum vir Publieke Teologie, Stellenbosch Universiteit 2012.

Bekenntnis und Widerstand. Kirchen Südafrikas im Konflikt mit dem Staat. Dokumente zur Untersuchung des Südafrikanischen Kirchenrats durch die Eloff-Kommission, Evangelisches Missionswerk im Bereich der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und Berlin West e.V. (EMW) (ed.), Hamburg 1983.

Black People’s Convention (External Office): Solidarity, Vol 1, London undated [1977?].

Coetzee, Murray, Len Hansen, Robert Vosloo (eds.): Vreesloos Gehoorsaam. `n Keur uit Beyers Naudé se preke van 1939 tot 1977. Stellenbosch (undated).

Chikane, Frank: A Critical Examination of the Theology and Praxis of the SACC, 1968-1988, M.A. thesis, University of Natal, 1992.

Christian Institute: Director’s Report, Johannesburg 1977.

Conscription and Resistance to Conscription. A brief History. Alan Paton Centre and Struggle Archives. Pietermaritzburg: P9/1/1/1.

Cottesloe (Wêreldraad van Kerke Konsultasie te Cottesloe, 7-14 Desember 1960), in: Versameling, A.3.2

Heaney, Michael John: Beyers Naudé, ekumeniese Baanbreker in Suid-Afrika: 1960-1994. Proefskrif voorgelê ter voldoening aan die vereistes vir die graad Philosphiae Doctor (PhD) in die Departement Godsdiens en Sendingwetenskap, Fakulteit Teologie, Universiteit van Pretoria, Promotor: Prof PGJ Meiring, Februarie 2004. pp. 377.

Hewson, L.A. (ed.): Cottesloe Consultation. The Report of the Consultation among South African Member Churches of the World Council of Churches, 7-14 December 1960, Johannesburg 1961.

Inligtingstuk oor: “Foreign investment in SA” deur G Buthelezi en B Naudé. 10 Maart 1976, in: Versameling, Vol X. A.3.14.16.

Kistner, Wolfram: The Contribution of Dr C.F. Beyers Naudé towards the Witness of the Church. (9 October 2001)

Kommentaar deur H Schlimm op: “Gehoorsamheid aan God of Regering”, 28 November 1973.

Kommissie van ondersoek na sekere organisasies (CI en ander) onder voorsitterskap van onderskeidelik JT Kruger, AL Schlebusch en L le Grange (4 Julie 1972 – Desember 1973). Finale verslag 28 Mei 1975, in: Versameling, Vol IX. A.3.22.2.

Kommissie van ondersoek na sekere organisasies (CI en ander) onder voorsitterskap van onderskeidelik JT Kruger, AL Schlebusch en L le Grange (4 Julie 1972 – Desember 1973), in: Versameling, Vol IX. A.3.22.1.

Mbanjwa, Thoko (ed.): Black Review 1974/5, Durban 1975.

Missiological Institute: Our Approach to the Independent Church Movement in South Africa. Lectures of the First Missiological Course of the Missiological Institute at the Lutheran Theological College, Maphumulo, from 30th September to 6th October, 1965.

Positiewe en negatiewe reaksie op die CI en aanverwante organisasies, in: Versameling, Vol VI. A.3.16.

Program for Social Change (opvolg van Spro-cas wat in Des 1973 ontbind is), in: Versameling, Vol VIII. A.3.21.3.

Rambally, Asha (ed.): Black Review 1975-6, Durban 1977.

Randall, Peter: Towards Social Change. Report of the Social Commission of the Study Project on Christianity in Apartheid Society, Spro-cas Publication Number 10, Johannesburg 1971.

Randall, Peter: South Africa’s Political Alternatives. Report of the Political Commission of the Study Project on Christianity in Apartheid Society, Spro-cas Publication Number 10, Johannesburg 1973.

Response of the South African Council of Churches to the WCC Programme to Combat Racism [1969-1979]: a Documentation, February 8, 1980.

Respons op verskeie etiese kwessies deur Beyers Naudé. 2 Desember 1970, in: Annonieme-Versameling, Vol X. A.3.14.2.

Ross, Gavin A.: The Christian Institute of Southern Africa. Its historical and political Importance, Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Faculty of Social Science, Politics Department, Edinburgh University 1980.

South African Institute of Race Relations: Black Grahamstown. The Agony of a Community, TRH Davenport, Johannesburg 1980.

South African Law and the Conscientious Objector. A NUSAS Milcom Publication edited by Andrew Smail and published by the Committee of Investigation into Service in the SADF, youth Preparedness Programmes and Alternative National Service of the National Union of South African Students, Rondebosch 1979.

South African Outlook, Johannesburg 1976.

Study Project on Christianity in Apartheid Society (Spro-cas I), April 1969 – Augustus 1972. Versameling, Vol VIII. A.3.21.1.

Study Project on Christianity in Apartheid Society (Spro-cas 2), April 1969 – Augustus 1972. Versameling, Vol VIII. A.3.21.2.

Study Project on Christianity in Apartheid Society (Spro-cas): Education Beyond Apartheid, Report of the Education Commission of the Study Project on Christianity in Apartheid Society, Spro-cas Publication Number 5, Johannesburg 1971.

The Pilgrimage of Concern for Migrant Labour (Grahamstown – Cape Town: 16 December 1972 – 14 January 1973). Alan Paton Centre & Struggle Archives PC 80/2/3/1

The “Coping With Conscription” Course. All you ever wanted to know about the ins and outs of conscription but were afraid to ask … Sept-Oct 1989 brought to you by the Conscription Advice Service. Call-up Crisis? Call up CAS! 0331-944 074. Alan Paton Centre & Struggle Archives P9/1/1/1.

Van der Riet, Ryno Louis: Beyers Naudé: advocate of hope? A Historical and Theological Reading of his Public Addresses, Thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Theology in the Faculty of Theology at Stellenbosch University, March 2013.

Verklaring van CI oor beleggings in SA. 26 Mei 1977, in: Versameling, Vol X. A.3.14.26.

World Council of Churches: Mission in South Africa, April–December 1960.

Monographs, articles and multiple volumes

Adonis, J.C.: Dr Beyers Naudé and Church Unification in the Family of Dutch Reformed Churches, in: The Legacy of Beyers Naudé. Beyers Naudé Centre Series on Public Theology, Volume 1, Stellenbosch 2005, 117-126.

African Independent Churches Association (AICA), in: Versameling 2012.

Anthonissen, C.A.: Beyers Naudé’s Relevance for the DRC Today, in: The Legacy of Beyers Naudé. Beyers Naudé Centre Series on Public Theology, Volume 1, Stellenbosch 2005, 143-150.

Baartman, Ernest: The Black and the Church, in: Pro Veritate. Johannesburg, April 1973.

Bax, Douglas: Interview (conducted at Rondebosch, Cape Town, on 15 July 2013 by Murray Coetzee. Interview transcribed by Veronica Coetzee, 2 May 2014), in: Murray Coetzee, Retief Muller, Len Hansen (eds): Cultivating Seeds of Hope. Conversation on the Life of Beyers Naudé, Stellenbosch 2015, 225-234.

Bengheza, C.J.: African Independent Churches’ Movement, in: Piet Meiring (ed.), Stemme uit die Swart Kerk, Cape Town 1975, 129-140.

Boesak, Allan: Zwarte Theologie, in: Voorlopig, Delft-Kampen 1973; in: Pro Veritate, Johannesburg, February 1974.

Boesak, Allan (ed.): Om het zwart te zeggen, Kampen 1976.

Boesak, Allan: Farewell To Innocence. A Social-Ethical Study of Black Theology and Black Power, Johannesburg 1977.

Boesak, Allan A.: Gerechtigkeit erhöht ein Volk. Texte aus dem Widerstand. Neukirchen-Vluyn 1985.

Boesak, Allan: Interview (conducted in Soweto, Gauteng, on 4 September 2014 by Murray Coetzee. Interview transcribed by Veronica Coetzee, 18 January 2015), in: Murray Coetzee, Retief Muller, Len Hansen (ds): Cultivating Seeds of Hope. Conversation on the Life of Beyers Naudé, Stellenbosch 2015, 119-131.

Bosch, David I.: Der Südafrikanische Kirchenrat (SACC) – Ein Bericht für die Untersuchungskommission, in: Evangelisches Missionswerk im Bereich der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und Berlin West e.V. (EMW) (ed.). Bekenntnis und Widerstand. Kirchen Südafrikas im Konflikt mit dem Staat. Dokumente zur Untersuchung des Südafrikanischen Kirchenrats (SACC) durch die Eloff-Kommission. Hamburg 1983, 137-151.

Brickhill, Joan: Race against Race. South Africa’s “Multinational” Sport Fraud, London 1976.

Buthelezi, Manas: Christelike Instituut van Suid-Afrika, in: Piet Meiring (ed.). Stemme uit die Swart Kerk. Kaapstad 1975, 141-152.

Buthelezi, Manas: The Meaning of the Christian Institute for Black South Africa, in: L.W.F. Information. Geneva, June 1975.

Buthelezi, Manas: Black Theology and the Le Grange-Schlebusch Commission, in: Pro Veritate. Johannesburg 1975.

Buthelezi, Manas: Interview (conducted in Soweto on 24 January 2013 by Murray Coetzee. Interview transcribed by Veronica Coetzee, 28 March 2014), in: Murray Coetzee, Retief Muller, Len Hansen (eds): Cultivating Seeds of Hope. Conversation on the Life of Beyers Naudé, Stellenbosch 2015, 243-249.

Buthelezi, Peter: Rooms-Katolieke Biskop van Johannesburg, in: Piet Meiring (ed.), Stemme uit die Swart Kerk. Kaapstad 1975, 57-67.

Buti, Sam: Die Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk in Afrika, in: Piet Meiring (ed.), Stemme uit die Swart Kerk. Kaapstad 1975, 1-21.

Cochrane, James: Christian Resistance to Apartheid: Periodisation, Prognosis, in: Martin Prozesky (ed.), Christianity in South Africa, Bergvlei 1990, 81-100.

Cochrane, Jim: Interview (conducted in Cape Town via Skype from Germany, on 11 November 2014 by Murray Coetzee. Transcribed by Veronica Coetzee on 16 October 2014), in: Murray Coetzee, Retief Muller, Len Hansen (ds): Cultivating Seeds of Hope. Conversation on the Life of Beyers Naudé, Stellenbosch 2015, 63-77.

Coetzee, Murray Hermanus: Die “kritiese Stem” teen Apartheidsteologien in die Ned Geref Kerk (1905-1974). ‘n Analise van die Bydraes van Ben Marais en Beyers Naudé. Wellington: Bybel-Media. 2011.

Coetzee, Murray, Retief Muller, Len Hansen (eds): Cultivating Seeds of Hope. Conversation on the Life of Beyers Naudé, Stellenbosch 2015,.

De Gruchy, John: A short history of the Christian Institute. In: Charles Villa-Vicencio and John de Gruchy (eds.), Resistance and Hope: South African Essays in Honouring of Beyers Naudé, Cape Town 1985, 14-26.

De Gruchy, J. W.: In einer Zeit der Krise Zeugnis ablegen, in: Dienste in Übersee (ed.). Christen im Widerstand. Die Diskussion um das südafrikanische Kairos-Dokument. Stuttgart 1987, 78-85.

De Gruchy, John W. et al.: The Church Struggle in South Africa, 25th anniversary edition, Minneapolis 2005.

Govender, Shun: Indian Reformed Church, in: Piet Meiring (ed.), Stemme uit die Swart Kerk, Cape Town 1975, 34-43.

Hain, Peter: Don’t Play with Apartheid. The Background to the Stop the Seventy Tour Campaign, London 1971.

Hewson, L. A. (ed.): Cottesloe consultation: the Report of the Consultation among South African Member-churches of the World Council of Churches, Johannesburg 1961.

Horrell, Muriel: Introduction to South Africa. Basic Facts and Figures, Johannesburg 1968.

Karis, Thomas G. and Gail M. Gerhart: From Protest to Challenge. A Documentary History of African Politics in South Africa, 1882-1990. Nadir and Resurgence, 1964-1979, Volume 5, Auckland Park 2013.

Khoapa, B.A. (ed.): Black Review 1972, Durban 1973.

Kleinschmidt, Horst: Interview (conducted at St. James, Cape Town, 13 August 2013 by Murray Coetzee. Interview transcribed by Veronica Coetzee, 2 June 2014), in: Murray Coetzee, Retief Muller, Len Hansen (eds): Cultivating Seeds of Hope. Conversation on the Life of Beyers Naudé, Stellenbosch 2015, 13-30.

Knighton-Fitt, Jean: Beyond Fear [Theo and Helen Kotze], Claremont 2003.

Levine, Lou (ed.): Hope Beyond Apartheid. The Peter Kerchhoff Years of PACSA 1979-1999, Pietermaritzburg 2002.

Linnemann-Perrin, Christine: Die politische Verantwortung der Kirchen in Südkorea und Südafrika . Studien zur ökumenischen politischen Ethik, München: Chr. Kaiser 1992.

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Footnotes:

©  Ben Khumalo-Seegelken, Theologian, Social-Scientist and Human-Rights’ Activist, lived at iMbali and KwaPata near Pietermaritzburg (South Africa) and worked – in the employ of the Edendale Lay Ecumenical Centre [1972-1975] – with the youth in and around Edendale, reaching out to Pietermaritzburg, Durban and surroundings with initiatives and ventures to defy apartheid and to equip young people with information, knowledge and skills to participate effectively in “the Struggle”, escaped detention and attained political asylum in West Germany [1975], lives and works in a variety of civil-rights’ networks both in South Africa and in Germany.    

 

[1] These are, in the first place, Peter Walshe’s “Church versus State in South Africa” (1983), L.A. Hewson’s, “Cottesloe Consultation” (1961), Manas Buthelezi’s “The Meaning of the Christian Institute for Black South Africa” (1975) and “Black Theology and the Le Grange-Schlebusch Commission” (1975), John (and Steve) de Gruchy’s “The Church Struggle in South Africa” (1979/2005), Robert Vosloo’s “The Dutch Reformed Church, Beyers Naudé and the ghost of Cottesloe” (2010), Thomas Karis’ and Gail Gerhart’s “From Protest to Challenge” (2013) and, of course, Beyers Naudé’s and Theo Kotze’s (auto)biographies “My Land van Hoop” (1995) and “Beyond Fear” (2003) respectively.

[2] Spence, Jack: South Africa and the Modern World. The Major Sources of Conflict between South Africa and the United Nations, in: Wilson, Monica and Leonard Thompson (eds.): The Oxford History of South Africa. II. South Africa 1870-1966. Oxford 1971, 513.

[3] The term “English-speaking churches” applied to those of British or European descent – the Anglicans, Methodists, Presbyterians, Congregationalists, Roman Catholics and Baptists – including the German-speaking Lutherans. Their congregants lived in segregated neighbourhoods, worshipped as a rule only among themselves as “Whites” and “non-Whites” respectively. They could at some stage be described as “Churches … who are in communion with a ‚mother‘ Church [overseas], and some of whose clergy come from [overseas] … [and] are [not always] unhappy about the apartheid policy.“ (Pro Veritate 1.7, Johannesburg 1962, 1).

[4] “Like its member-churches … the [Christian Council of Southern Africa] remained a white initiative, unconsciously patronising in its approach to blacks, radiating goodwill but still hopeful of engineering social change through moral appeals, education and the conversion of white South Africans”. (Walshe, Peter: Church versus State in South Africa. The Case of the Christian Institute. London 1983, 58; italics: B.K.-S.) “… [W]hites spoke over the heads of blacks to other whites in trying to find a formula for reform”. (Karis, Thomas G. and Gail M. Gerhart: From Protest to Challenge. A Documentary History of African Politics in South Africa, 1882-1990. Nadir and Resurgence, 1964-1979, Volume 5, Auckland Park, 2013, 80).

[5] As far as the Roman Catholic Church in South Africa is concerned, one incidence remains remarkably instructive: In their “Black Priests’ Manifesto” on 23 January 1970, sub-titled “OUR CHURCH HAS LET US DOWN”,  the Catholic priest Smangaliso Mkhatshwa and three others contend – exclaiming “ENOUGH! ENOUGH” -, that “[t]he Catholics pretend to condemn apartheid. And yet, in practice, they cherish it”. The priests recall: “The [Catholic] Church practised segregation in her seminaries, convents, hospitals, schools, monasteries, associations and churches long before the [apartheid-regime] legislated against social integration”. Admonishing “the Hierarchy” of that Church for not taking a clear stand against apartheid, they call for change, pointing out with prophetic clarity of vision that “things will change dramatically” eventually. (Mkhatshwa, P.M., Moetapele, D., Louwfant, J.L., Mokoka, C. and A. Mabona: Black Priests’ Manifesto, 23 January 1970, in: Karis and Gerhart, Protest, 435-438).

[6]The “English-speaking” churches were “enmeshed in colonial patterns of thought and organization carried over from their missionary origins and constantly reinforced by the dominant racist norms [of the apartheid society]”. (Karis and Gerhart, Protest, 77; Villa-Vicencio, Charles: Eine allgegenwärtige Häresie: Rassismus und die “englischsprachigen Kirchen”, in: Bekenntnis und Widerstand. Kirchen Südafrikas im Konflikt mit dem Staat. Dokumente zur Untersuchung des Südafrikanischen Kirchenrats durch die Eloff-Kommission, Evangelisches Missionswerk im Bereich der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und Berlin West e.V. (EMW) (ed.), Hamburg 1983, 537-553).

[7] Die Christelike Instituut, in: Naudé, Beyers: My Land van Hoop. Die Lewe van Beyers Naudé. Johannesburg 1995, 73-82.

[8] “The Christian Institute is based upon the Word of God, upon belief in God the Father, in Jesus Christ the Son, Redeemer and Lord, and in the Holy Spirit, and upon the conviction that for all who share such a common loyalty, it is desirable and necessary that determined effort be made to express and foster their unity in Christ”. (Annonieme Versameling in Verband met Beyers Naudé, die Christelike Instituut en aanverwante Dokumente, Saamgestel deur Murray Coetzee, Beyers Naudé Sentrum vir Publieke Teologie, Stellenbosch Universiteit 2012, A.3.4.6).

[9] The Afrikaans-speaking white Dutch Reformed Churches (DRCs) comprised of the Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk (NGK), the Gereformeerde Kerk (GK) and the Nederduitsch Hervormde Kerk (NHK), the NGK being generally known also as the “mother-” in relation to the three “daughter- churches” for “non-white” (“Bantu”, “Coloured” and “Indian”) converts and their descendants.  (See also: Horrell: Religious Faiths, 4; Meiring: Kerkelike statistiek 177-178).

[10] “The Sharpeville shootings of 1960, coinciding with an increase in the African membership of the United Nations, brought the conduct of [the apartheid-regime] to the attention of the Security Council [of the United Nations Organisation], which passed a resolution (S/4300), … stating that the [apartheid-policies] had ‘led to international friction and, if continued, might endanger international peace and security’. … This resolution requested all states ‘to consider taking such separate and collective action as is open to them, in conformity with the Charter of the United Nations, to bring about the abandonment of [the apartheid] policies’. This was the first occasion on which the General Assembly had given approval to a resolution asking for action against [South Africa’s apartheid-regime]”. (Spence: South Africa 513).

[11] With regard to the Cottesloe-Consultation, Peter Walshe observes: “Although the Consultation was ecumenical and ‘multi-racial’, it was essentially a white affair – at its core, a group of anguished white clerics setting out to listen to each other and to pay polite attention to the small minority of their black colleagues.” (Walshe, Peter: Church, 11). Karis and Gerhart remark: Even in the Cottesloe-Consultation itself “[W]hites spoke over the heads of blacks to other whites in trying to find a formula for reform.” (Karis and Gerhart, Protest, 80).

[12] World Council of Churches, Mission in South Africa April–December 1960, 30–32; Hewson, L. A. (ed.), Cottesloe consultation: the Report of the Consultation among South African Member-churches of the World Council of Churches, Johannesburg 1961, 74-75.

[13] Vosloo, Robert: The Dutch Reformed Church, Beyers Naudé and the Ghost of Cottesloe. Paper at the Annual Meeting of the Church Historical Society of Southern Africa (CHSSA) in Potchefstroom, 16–18 August 2010.

[14] The first issue of Pro Veritate appeared on 15 May 1962; Beyers Naudé edited this and the subsequent issues, the final one appearing in February 1977 before the CI was silenced and forced to disband on 19 October 1977

[15] Naudé, Beyers: Die bitter nasleep van Cottesloe [The Bitter After-Effect of Cottesloe], in: Naudé: Land 54-60; Villa-

Vicencio, Charles: The Ghost of Cottesloe … A Soweto theological postscript, in: South African Outlook, Johannesburg 1976, 108-109.

[16] Naudé sets out repeatedly to spell out and to elaborate on the theological insights and implications of that strife and desire to become ‘a Confessing Church’, stimulating discussions and debates in pastoral convents, congregations and in the general public and, by so doing, introducing a new frame of reference for individual and collective options against apartheid in the mid-1960s and later. (Naudé: Die Tyd Vir ‘n `Belydende Kerk´ is Daar [The Time Is Now for a `Confessing Church´], in: Pro Veritate, 15 July 1965 (Vol 4, Issue 3), 1ff.; Naudé: Nogeens die `Belydende Kerk´ [Once more: the `Confessing Church´], in: Pro Veritate, 15 November 1965 (Vol 4, Issue 6), 1ff., Naudé:  Nou juis die `Belydende Kerk [Exactly now the `Confessing Church´]”, in: Pro Veritate, 15 December 1965 (Vol 4, Issue 8), 1ff). 

[17] Desmond Tutu, Open Letter to Prime Minister John Vorster, 8 May 1976; Allan Boesak, Open Letter to the Minister of Justice Alwyn Schlebusch, 27 August 1979. (In: Adler, Elisabeth (ed.): Apartheid als Herausforderung für Südafrikas Christen und Kirchen. Wie Lange Noch? Dokumente 1970 bis 1980, Berlin: Union Verlag 1982, 182-189, 189-194).

[18] Ironically, black consciousness and black theology fuelled renewed protests against apartheid just as black youth were in growing numbers abandoning churches for being irrelevant (De Gruchy, 175).

[19] Mayathula, V.M.: African Independent Churches Contribution to a Relevant Theology, in Becken, Hans-Jürgen: Relevant Theology for Africa. Report on a Consultation of the Missiological Institute at Lutheran Theological College, Maphumulo, Natal, 12-21, 1972, 174-177).

[20] Manas Buthelezi served from June 1973 as the Director of the Natal region of the CI operating from Pietermaritzburg, was banned for five years under the Suppression of Communism Act in December of the same year – hardly six months after his appointment –, remained, notwithstanding, an acknowledged voice in the Struggle and gained more credibility as community-spokesperson and more affirmation as theologian through his renewed commitment after his banning-order had been lifted unexpectedly before expiry-date.  Oshadi Phakathi had joined the CI in 1973, attended as observer the All African Conference of Churches (AACC) in Lusaka in May 1974, became part of a movement within the member-churches of the SACC which, in August 1974, tabled the Hammanskraal Resolution on conscientious objection. Oshadi Phakathi initiated and co-ordinated an array of grass-roots’ projects involving women and men in rural areas on issues ranging from attempts to sensitise and motivate pastors and teachers to participate in community-initiatives for rights, women’s call for the release of political detainees, adult-education and empowerment in the face of forced removals, discussions and debates on current issues based on black consciousness and the quest for commitment for justice as Christians. Some of the themes she talked on, were: ‘How do we change the present church system to the church of Christ?’, ‘Black Theology’, ‘A black view of the emancipation of women’, ‘What people expect from priests’ and ‘The challenges facing Christian women today.’ (Walshe, 161-165).

[21] Mkhatshwa et al (eds.): Black Priests’ Manifesto, in: Karis and Gerhart, Protest, 435-438.

[22] See: Reaksie van Beyers Naudé soos vervat in “Dagbreek” on 18 December 1960, Annonieme-Versameling, A.3.2.5

[23] Page 1 of the very first issue of Pro Veritate on 15 May 1962 opens with an instructive contribution by a renowned NGK-theologian, P.G. Geertsma, entitled “’Apartheid’ van die Gelowiges volgens ons Belydenisskrifte” [‘Apartheid’ by Believers based on the Creeds of our Faith], contending that Scripture stands for “apartheid”, albeit of a particular nature , the “’apartheid’ that God constitutes through Christ” – a contention that was not challenged or questioned in any way by any of the editors of that publication-organ purporting to be committed to the Truth, Pro Veritate!  Merely a few readers, among them S. du Toit [Potchefstroom] and Ben Marais [Stellenbosch], responded, arguing critically in the subsequent editions.

[24] Walshe, 58.

[25] The edition of November 1976 of Pro Veritate was confiscated before publication in the raid on Diakonia House. The article entitled “Time has run out” by the Ministers’ Fraternal of Langa, Gugulethu and Nyanga, on page 12 of the February 1977 edition, was banned. The following editions contained material which was subsequently banned: the September 1972 edition (quotations from “The Eye of the Needle” by Rick Turner), the January 1973 edition (quotations from “Black Viewpoint” article by Bennie Khoapa), the August 1975 edition (banned Posters on cover), the September 1975 edition (banned Posters on cover), the November 1976 was confiscated, the February 1977 edition (article: “Time has run out”) was banned.

[26] Meyer, Roelf and Beyers Naudé: Christusfees of Baalfees? `n Ope Vraag aan Suid-Afrika oor Geloftedag, Supplement to: Pro Veritate, 15 December 1971.

[27] These included My Decision (Johannesburg 1963), which comprises three short sermons by Beyers Naudé, one of which is based on the Bible-verse out of the Book of The Acts of the Apostles, chapter 5, verse 29, [… obey God rather than humans], substantiating his decision to abandon pro-apartheid networks and embark onto searching for truth and togetherness beyond apartheid; an address entitled, Apartheid Morally Unacceptable;  a booklet, Divine or Civil Obedience; a courageous statement entitled, The Christian Institute’s Viewpoint on White Immigration to South Africa (Johannesburg 1974), in which a call for an immediate cease of white-immigration to South Africa is made; a similar call by the Institute on overseas investors to stop investing in the apartheid-state was made on 22 October 1976 following the resolution adopted by the Annual General Meeting in Edendale on 18 September 1976; study-guide material for congregations and institutions including Poverty in Abundance or Abundance in Poverty by Rolf Meyer (Johannesburg 1973) and The Message of Liberation Today by Johannes Verkuyl (Johannesburg 1971).

[28] Christian Institute of Southern Africa: ‘Director’s Report for the period 1st August 1971 – 31st July 1972’, Johannesburg, p. 4, typescript.

[29] Ibid.

[30] Walshe: Church, 91-92.

[31] Ibid

[32]I contend: Albert Luthuli, the author of “Let My People Go!” (1962), held in high esteem especially for have been “bound by faith” in his commitment to non-violence (Scott Couper 2010) and Beyers Naudé, the preacher on “obeying God more than humans!” (1963) – both outspoken and renowned opponents of apartheid and Protestant-preachers with a prophetic-critical voice, the one Congregational, the other Reformed, the one a beacon in the Struggle and head of the ANC, the other an accredited coordinator of a constructively progressive move among theologians of the (white) DRCs and a disputed but acknowledged personality in the Afrikaans-speaking white community  – could most probably have promoted the then fledging inner-Southern African ecumenical and civil rights’ movement remarkably, had they ever ‘discovered’ each other and found means of working together.

[33] Walshe: Church, 42.

[34] Ibid.

[35] Meiring: Stemme, 1975, 1-21, 22-33, 34-43; Annonieme-Versameling, A.3.4.6.

[36] South African Council of Churches: A Message to the People of South Africa, Johannesburg 1968; SA Rad van Kerke: “Message to the people of South Africa”. ‘n Boodskap aan die volk van Suid-Afrika, in: Annonieme-Versameling, A.3.24.1.; Walshe describes the “Message” as “the first systematically formulated Biblical and theological statement on apartheid since Cottesloe and the Roman Catholic pastorals”. He resumes: “… As a result every Christian in South Africa had to face the question: ‘to whom, or to what are you truly giving your first loyalty, your primary commitment? Is it to a subsection of mankind, an ethnic group, a human tradition, a political idea, or to Christ?’” (Walshe, 60 and 61). “[T]he Message did delineate the social challenge to Christians at the basic level of Gospel insights, so disseminating more widely what had been the Christian Institute’s position. In Naudé’s terms [the “Message”] ‘clearly and unequivocally refuted apartheid [from] a biblical standpoint’. (Naudé, C.F. Beyers: ‘Apartheid is in Stryd met God’, Ster, 13 November 1970; Walshe 62). “[T]he Message … helped to raise political consciousness among a small minority of whites and many blacks who later were able to develop its insights much further during the turmoil of the 1970s”.( Walshe, 62).

[37] One of the first inner-Southern African responses to the WCC-resolution was given by Peter Randall, co-ordinator of the Study Project on Race in Apartheid Society (SPROCAS) that had been launched jointly by the CI and the SACC in 1969. His statement was in every respect characteristic of the self-esteem and the level of political consciousness among most activists within the CI and the SACC and in the “English-speaking” sector of the white community in the early 1970s: Support for the liberation movements – so Randall – implied that the WCC wanted ‘to see these organisations [ANC, PAC and SWAPO] succeed in their aim of taking over control of the white-led countries of Southern Africa’. Randal wondered, however, if the WCC had considered the kind of society that those organisations would like to see emerging in the region, for – he contended – the aftermath of a guerrilla-war did ‘not augur well’. ‘Had the WCC leaders exhausted every other approach’, he asked, ‘before giving tacit approval to violence’? He hoped the WCC had considered these matters because ‘even those whom the WCC would, by implication, like to see killed [sic!], have a call on the compassion of their fellow-Christians. Or have white South African Christians finally been written off as beyond redemption?’ (Pro Veritate, September 1970, pp. 15-16; Walshe, Church, 115; italics: B.K.-S.).

[38] The Schlebusch/Le Grange Commission was “not a judicial commission but a group of partisan white politicians who sat in camera, withheld the names of witnesses, denied defendants the right to cross-examine their accusers, and did not publish evidence.” (Walshe. Church 174) “However, the main issue was not simply the prejudiced nature of the Schlebusch-Le Grange Commission, its secrecy and failure to observe judicial procedures; it became a matter of ‘Divine or Civil Obedience’, the right and duty of churches ‘to resist un-Christian governmental authority in the name of Christ’. Citizens did not owe ‘blind obedience und servile submission’ to the state. (Walshe. Church 174-175; Italics: B.K.-S.)  (See also: Die Verhandlung, in: Weßler, Rudolf (ed.): Südafrikas Christen vor Gericht. Der Fall Beyers Naudé und das Christliche Institut. Wuppertal 1977, 56-167; Kommissie van ondersoek na sekere organisasies (CI en ander) onder voorsitterskap van onderskeidelik JT Kruger, AL Schlebusch en L le Grange (4 Julie 1972 – Desember 1973), in:  Annonieme-Versameling, Vol IX, A.3.22.1).

[39] “For a brief period the Institute had been prepared to support investment in the Bantustans, but not in the ‘central economy’ … In March 1976 Naudé issued a joint statement … with Chief Gatsha Buthelezi … (calling) for a national convention with full black representation … the purpose of the convention being to discuss the country’s future and such issues as foreign investment”. (Walshe, Church, 197, footnote 83; Inligtingstuk oor: “Foreign investment in SA” deur G Buthelezi en B Naudé, 10 Maart 1976, in: Annonieme-Versameling, X. A.3.14.16; CI se reaksie tot die “Investment Debate”, September 1977, in: Annonieme-Versameling, X. A.3.14.28).

[40] Frank Chikane, who became SACC general secretary in 1987, acknowledged the 1974 resolution on conscientious objection retrospectively (in 1992) as “the most decisive moment in the history of the SACC’s effort to define its theological and political position on apartheid”. (Chikane, Frank: A Critical Examination of the Theology and Praxis of the SCC, 1968-1988, M.A. thesis, University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 1992, in: Karis and Gerhart (eds.), Protest, 5, 89, footnote 89; Conscription and resistance to conscription – a brief history, Alan Paton Centre & Struggle Archives, Pietermaritzburg, P9/1/1/1, 1).

[41] The step to withdraw their membership in the WCC in response to the Cottesloe-Declaration was symptomatic of the perception they had of themselves at the latest in the early 1960s with regard to apartheid and those questioning its policies and practice. It may, however, not go unnoticed that “the cautious and socially conservative [English-speaking] Presbyterian Church of South Africa was badly divided in voting 75-75 to maintain its membership of the WCC”. (Walshe, Church, 114). “While [the Presbyterian Church] then passed a resolution dissenting from the ‘violence pursued by guerrilla organisations’ and from the WCC-grants to them, the Church nevertheless went on to ‘dissent at least as much from the violence inherent in the racial policies of the Government’. (Pro Veritate, October 1970, 7).

[42] That constellation gets also referred to as the “Aboveground Non-racial Opposition” (see also: Karis and Gerhart, Protest, 62)

[43] Hain, Peter: Don’t Play with Apartheid. The Background to the Stop the Seventy Tour Campaign, London 1971.

[44] The assertion and the expression of the desire and the resolution “to go it alone”, which was cherished within the fledging Black Consciousness Movement, can be understood in the same sense as the argument that Rick Turner, outspoken activist against apartheid, later tried to drive home to counter assumptions and charges of “white supremacy” made by the BCM against “white liberals” in the early 1970s: “For the proponents of black consciousness the best way to convince black people that salvation will not come from “white liberals” is by simply getting on with the work of community organisation”.(Document 28. “Black Consciousness and White Liberals.” Article by Richard Turner, Reality, July 1972, in: Karis and Gerhart, Protest, 443, italics: B.K.-S.).

[BK1] They were „enmeshed in colonial patterns of thought and organization carried over from their missionary origins and constantly reinforced by the dominant racist norms [of the apartheid society]”. (Thomas G. Karis and Gail M. Gerhart, From Protest to Challenge. A Documentary History of African Politics in South Africa, 1882-1990. Volume 5. Nadir and Resurgence, 1964-1979. Auckland Park. ISBN 978-1-77009-884-8. (77).

(c) Ben Khumalo-Seegelken.